Sen. Chip Rogers, one of the most powerful politicians at the Georgia Capitol, is a rarity in this primary season, a GOP incumbent who faces a credible challenger. A debate last week in Rogers' hometown of Woodstock illustrated one likely reason why: Rogers' opponent, and even some voters, jabbed the five-term lawmaker over a failed hotel venture and past work as a pitchman promoting expert picks for sports gamblers.
Rogers, the Senate majority leader, calls the issues distractions. Videos showing him — as Will "The Winner" Rogers — urging viewers to dial a $10-per-call 900 number to get picks for sports games merely showcased his work as an actor, not a sports handicapper, he argues. As for the hotel, Rogers says he has settled the matter with the bank that sued for its money. He says a confidentiality agreement prohibits him from disclosing the particulars.
Rogers, 44, is held up an icon of conservative values. But critics say he hasn't hewed to those same values at home.
"The man that he claims to be as a state legislator doesn't line up with what he is doing in his personal life," Linda Flory, a 55-year-old homemaker from Ball Ground told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. She said she's become disillusioned by his "questionable ethics" and won't vote for him again.
But Robert Usher, a Cherokee County school board member, called Rogers "a Christian" with "good values."
Noting that the sports betting tapes were more than a decade old, Usher, 46, said, "think back when you were young. Haven't you ever done something you aren't proud of now?"
Still, the murky gambling ties troubled Georgia Christian Coalition president Jerry Luquire enough that he called on Rogers to relinquish his leadership post.
All this has meant that Rogers this year has drawn his first primary opponent since he won his Senate seat in 2004: state transportation board member and North Fulton County Chamber of Commerce President Brandon Beach. In addition, his district, including parts of Cherokee and Fulton counties, has been redrawn, so Rogers will be facing some voting territory for the first time.
Against this backdrop, Rogers has suddenly began reimbursing lobbyists for freebies and meals. Records show that during the last legislative session he paid lobbyists back for even minor gifts, like a $15.29 bag of coffee.
"You have to determine yourself whether you're ethical or not," he told voters.
Rise to power
After graduating from Georgia Tech, Rogers worked as a television and radio reporter and eventually purchased WYXC, a small Cartersville radio station. But politics was never far from his mind.
"He was always politically active, always conservative to core," said Chuck Shiflett, a Bartow County Republican who purchased Rogers' radio station.
Telegenic and ambitious, Rogers rode the tip of the wave that swept Republicans into power in Georgia. He was elected to the state House in 2002 and rose to the Senate two years later. Rogers had caught the political bug in 1980 when he represented Ronald Reagan in a mock election at Cobb County's Pine Mount Middle School.
By 2008 he was being mentioned as a potential candidate for lieutenant governor. Instead, he ran for the top spot in the Republican caucus: majority leader. In an August 2008 letter to his GOP colleagues, Rogers said a statewide campaign would take too much time away from his wife and four children.
But he didn't just mark time. After the 2010 election, Rogers and state Sen. Tommie Williams R-Lyons, quietly lined up supporters to strip power from Lt. Gov. Casey Cagle. The move gave Williams and Rogers far greater control over the chamber's calendar and committee appointments. But it also balkanized the state Senate, which had long been the more collegial of the two chambers.
Legislative influence
In the Legislature, Rogers has been a driving force behind conservative staples such as school vouchers and tax cuts. He seized the immigration issue early, authoring a 2006 bill aimed at cutting off some benefits for illegal immigrants. He also has an unexpected streak: voting against criminalizing synthetic marijuana and sponsoring the law that outlawed dog fighting.
Some of his legislation comes from the playbook of the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, the conservative Washington-based policy institute that provides model bills to statehouses around the country. A longtime acolyte of ALEC, Rogers now serves as the group's national treasurer.
As ALEC has come under fire for pushing legislation sought by corporate members Rogers has remained a vocal defender. ALEC's support for the "stand your ground" gun law that was at the center of the Trayvon Martin shooting in Florida prompted some corporate backers — such as Georgia-based Coca-Cola — to withdraw their support for the group.
Records compiled by ProPublica show that Rogers has collected more than $91,000 in donations from companies that are ALEC members, such as UPS, Altria and Pfizer.
The donations have flowed to a campaign that carries debt, despite reporting a balance of more than $307,000 in the last state filing.
Finances
Over the past 10 years, Rogers has loaned his campaigns more than $130,000 and has repaid more than $80,000, according to a review of records by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. He funded his first campaign in 2002 with more than $30,000 of his own money.
"In my first race for public office I took a personal oath not to take a penny from anyone until I had proven myself as a public servant," he said.
Rogers personal finances have come under scrutiny and a key question is how he earns his livelihood.
On his most recent campaign disclosure, Rogers listed his occupation as state senator, a part-time job that payed him less than $20,000 last year, according to records.
"I've been in some form of self employment since I was 18 years old," he told voters in Woodstock.
That work has involved a varied grab bag of jobs. Rogers has worked as the public face in promotional spots for the Asian-American Hospitality Association, a national hotel group. He was one of several registered federal lobbyists for the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine. The group spent nearly $500,000 in 2010 to lobby Congress.
In an email to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution Rogers said he has invested in real estate since he was 18 and learned the trade from his father. Records show that Rogers has enjoyed mixed success.
Through the limited liability company Tich Properties, Rogers and U.S. Rep. Tom Graves, R-Ranger, own an apartment complex in Calhoun. Graves' congressional disclosure lists annual rent of between $100,001 and $1 million from the property.
But another deal also went awry. In 2007, they took out a $2.3 million loan to purchase and revamp a rundown hotel in Calhoun. As the real estate market collapsed, they struggled to make payments. The bank sued them, ultimately settling the debt for $1.2 million, according to court records. Rogers said it is the only lawsuit he has faced in his years in real estate.
Rogers' ties to gambling are more difficult to sort out.
Videos that first appeared in May on the website Atlanta Unfiltered show Rogers urging viewers to dial in to a 900 number to get picks for sporting events. He guaranteed callers an 80 percent success rate or their next picks would be free.
In one 1999 episode the announcer says said Rogers had been "a handicapper for decades."
Questioned about the videos, Rogers argued he was simply a paid to read scripts, did not make the picks himself and wasn't promoting gambling, even though at least one offshore casino sponsored the show.
As he gears up for a primary fight, Rogers said he's sticking to his political record and his strongly held belief in personal freedom and responsibility.
"When a politician comes to you and says here's what government can do for you, I will tell you beware," he said. "You can do it yourself. You don't need government to do it for you."
Staff writer Chris Joyner contributed to this article.
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