Outside groups funnel in funds

All told, the Club for Growth has channeled more than $300,000 into Georgia’s 9th District race. That’s roughly 40 percent of all the money spent on Graves’ behalf.

The American Dental Association responded with $107,000 on behalf of Hawkins, a former president of its Georgia affiliate. Non-Georgia donors, mostly dentists, kicked in another $20,000.

To limit special-interest money in politics, federal law caps direct donations by political action committees, or PACs, at $5,000. But the Club for Growth is organized differently; individual members decide who gets how much, subject to a $2,400 limit per donor, so the club can hypothetically pass on unlimited amounts of cash to its preferred candidates.

The club’s involvement in Georgia illustrates, yet again, how money in politics flows readily around obstacles such as campaign finance reform. It also raises a fundamental question: Why should a voter from Minnesota or Texas have anything to say about who North Georgia sends to Congress?

I asked Graves that question and got this response from campaign manager Tim Baker: “Every American, including members of the Club for Growth, has the First Amendment right to participate freely in our elections and support the candidate of their choice.”

What about Hawkins? “A true democracy says elected representatives should represent the people who are eligible to vote for them,” said Kris Carroll, his campaign spokeswoman.

Graves and Hawkins, both former state legislators, have been running since last summer to replace Nathan Deal. But more than half of the Club for Growth’s money streamed into the race in the three weeks before the May 11 special election.

Expect even more before the June 8 runoff. The club rang the alarm again shortly after the 9th District became a two-man race, urging donors to give up the “maximum possible donation” for Graves and describing Hawkins as “a tax-hiking RINO” (Republican in Name Only).

Hawkins earned the tax-hiking label, according to one of the club’s mailings, for agreeing that voters could decide whether to add a penny to the sales tax to fund transportation improvements.

Many advocacy groups solicit donations for their preferred candidates — sort of a PayPal for politicians. Emily’s List has raised $78 million this way to elect pro-choice Democratic women since it pioneered the tactic in 1985.

Members may give to any campaign they choose. But the club encourages them to support the dozen or so candidates it has endorsed for promoting economic growth with tax cuts, free trade and regulatory reform.

The club has already spent heavily this year to oust Sens. Bob Bennett of Utah and Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, both of whom lost their party’s nomination in recent weeks. And it’s backing the candidacy of its former president, Pat Toomey, for Specter’s seat in the Senate.

Conservative economist Stephen Moore and others founded the Club for Growth in 1999, but it didn’t register with the Federal Election Commission until seven years later. That oversight earned an FEC consent order and a $350,000 fine.

The club says it has taken care since then to comply with federal election laws. “We do things our way and we clear everything with the FEC first,” said Mike Connolly, the club’s communications director.

A footnote: Issues advocacy, it appears, can be a very lucrative business even at a tax-exempt organization. Before Toomey left to run for the Senate, his paycheck rose dramatically — $150,000 in 2006, $455,000 in 2007 and $680,000 in 2008. That last year was an anomaly, Connolly said, because Toomey pocketed two years of bonuses in the same year.

James Bramson, executive director of the dental association, was paid $1.15 million in 2008.

Nice work if you can get it.

Jim Walls, retired investigations editor of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, runs the watchdog news Web site atlantaunfiltered.com .