Road-building companies were by far the biggest beneficiaries of taxpayer-funded state contracts last year.
The value of those transportation contracts --- at least for the top firms --- more than tripled during the past three years.
Twelve of the top 20 state contractors --- excluding those for the university system --- were road construction companies, receiving a combined $1.48 billion in taxpayer money, according to an AJC analysis of State Accounting Office payments for the fiscal year that ended June 30.
Other companies on the top 20 contractor list include a private prison operator, computer companies and Bank of America.
Some on the list were major donors to political campaigns of state leaders, while others gave little or nothing. Several had teams of lobbyists registered at the Capitol, while others had none.
Topping the list was Marietta-based C.W. Matthews, which was paid more than $522 million, far more than any other state contractor. The top nonroadwork contractor was Maximus, a company that provides administration services for various state departments, which earned $199 million.
The contractor data examined does not include payments made by the state University system and a few smaller agencies, which keep separate accounts. Those records were not available last week.
Senate Transportation Chairman Jeff Mullis (R-Chickamauga) said he wasn't surprised so many of the top contractors are road-builders.
"Georgia has been cited as having the best roads in the nation, and the Legislature has been strongly focused on developing a comprehensive statewide transportation plan, " Mullis said.
Neill Herring, longtime environmental lobbyist at the Capitol, said he wasn't shocked so many road builders made the list. "The only surprise is that there aren't any more of them in the top 20, " he said.
Sen. George Hooks (D-Americus), former longtime Senate Appropriations chairman and a student of the Legislature's history, said the dominance of the road-building companies in state budgeting "goes way back."
"They have always been the big mules of Georgia politics, " he said. "Road building is the most politically important thing we do."
Bert Brantley, Gov. Sonny Perdue's spokesman, said road construction payments increased dramatically in part because of Perdue's program of expanded road repair. The higher price of materials used by highway contractors also increased costs and, thus, payouts to companies.
"The governor came in and made a commitment to increase the transportation budget, " Brantley said.
Brantley said with competitive bidding at the DOT and elsewhere in the government "the old days of quid pro quo are gone."
He said, "At DOT, the bidding process is certainly free from influence of anybody. . . . Everybody has the same shot."
Brantley said the transportation agency had a policy of letting lobbyists host dinners and other events for DOT officials "that caused the governor to be concerned of the appearance of impropriety."
But DOT spokesman David Spear said his department banned such events this year.
He said the size and influence of road construction contracts will diminish in coming years because the department is reining in its budget.
The department decided to cut back on spending because of cost overruns, reduced federal highway funds and an accounting overhaul.
William Hammack, C. W. Matthews' president and chief operating officer, said his company's state contracts grew so much in recent years in part because C.W. Matthews bought up several asphalt plants. That allowed the company to make competitive bids in more areas of the state.
Last year, the company had about 50 projects with state DOT, including the I-85/Ga. 316 project, the Kia plant interchange and I-185 to Columbus.
Several companies that made the top 20 list also have been big political donors.
In the last two years, Bank of America gave more than $144,000 to state campaigns. The bank was the 19th largest state contractor at $44 million and its subsidiary, FIA Card Services, which handles the state's purchasing card system, was 18th with $45.6 million in state payments.
C.W. Matthews made about $138,000 in contributions from 2006 through mid-2008. The biggest single donation was $50,000 to the state GOP in 2006. The party used a large chunk of its assets that year to help Perdue win re-election.
"We strongly support candidates that believe in the need for transportation in this state and in transportation funding, " Hammack said.
Corrections Corporation of America, 17th on the list, was paid almost $55 million to operate two prisons for the Department of Corrections handling about 3,000 inmates. The Nashville-based company has four registered lobbyists here. In the last legislative session, they pushed for price increases for their operations, which were approved by the General Assembly.
Since 2006, the company gave at least $127,000 to various candidates through its political action committee and through employees.
"We want to support candidates and parties that either are supportive of public-private partnerships or at least receptive to the concept of public-private partnerships, " company spokesman Steven Owen said.
While leading contractors on the list were heavy political contributors, others were not.
Covendis, a vendor management company based in Atlanta, recently secured a state contract. It was 16th on the list and was paid $49.6 million --- though much of that money it turned around and paid to contracted staffing companies. Raymond Tsao, who heads Covendis, said they make no political contributions.
"Our general plan is that we don't make donations at all, " he said. "We try to be as neutral as we can."
Data specialist John Perry contributed to this report.
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