With South Sudan’s secession two weeks away, the ruling National Congress Party in Khartoum is setting its sights on the border regions and destabilizing the soon-to-be independent South. Most tragically, Khartoum has concentrated the full might of its Chinese-supplied military on liquidating all opposition in Southern Kordofan, a region within the North’s borders but with strong ties to the South.
As a Sudanese-American working in Atlanta this summer, I have been following the unfolding events with great concern. So have the many Sudanese living in Georgia, which has one of the largest populations of Sudanese in the United States.
Southern Kordofan is home to the Nuba, a diverse amalgamation of tribes that span the religious spectrum from Christian to Muslim to animist. Because the province is one of the few sources of oil in the North, it is of particular importance to Khartoum. But the Nuba are wary that they will not be treated fairly by the government, a fear based on past attempts at ethnically cleansing the province of non-Arabs.
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who has already been indicted for war crimes and genocide for atrocities in Darfur, has now set his ruthless hand against the Nuba and militias sympathetic to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the ruling party in the South.
Because the Sudanese military has banned reporters from the region, there are precious few photographs of the carnage. But a contact in the country sent me some. The pictures depict a woman nearly decapitated; people gathered in disbelief around bombed-out craters; and soil painted with blood. They are a snapshot of weeks of indiscriminate death, with civilians bearing the brunt of the massacre.
The assault on the province began as residents were leaving evening prayers on June 6. While the streets were flooded with civilians making their way home, Sudan Armed Forces tanks and artillery opened fire on suspected opposition sympathizers.
Suspected SPLM supporters were dragged onto the streets to be beaten, chopped by machete or shot. On June 9, the governor of Southern Kordofan gave civilians one week to vacate all major cities in the province. The deadline meant little, as the bombings and fighting did not let up during that week.
Contacts in Sudan and escaped aid workers also report large numbers of civilians being victimized. There is now evidence that the Nuba are being targeted by the SAF as part of a broader campaign of terror because they are all believed to be SPLM sympathizers.
Despite the governor’s call for evacuating the cities, many are not being allowed to leave and have been instead shot on the spot or forced back to the battleground. Others were burned in their homes and shot when they attempted to run.
This pattern of wholesale slaughter has led Human Rights Watch and others to categorize the SAF’s actions as an attempt to ethnically cleanse Kordofan of all Nuba. The U.N. also has expressed concern that the Nuba are the victims of similar tactics that befell many Sudanese in Darfur. It is no coincidence that the recently re-elected governor of Southern Kordofan is wanted by the International Criminal Court for his role in the Darfur genocide.
On Tuesday, Khartoum and the SPLM’s northern branch agreed to a framework to govern the border states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. But the agreement stops short of calling for a cease-fire or for immediate civilian access to aid. Given Khartoum’s long record of signing and forgetting peace accords, skepticism abounds about this one.
There are internal power dynamics at play as well. Al-Bashir is being criticized by his and other parties for allowing the South to secede with most of Sudan’s oil. The resulting economic crisis likely will weaken his authority and decrease the funds available to buy off the security services and other key constituencies. The Kordofan offensive may serve to reaffirm his strongman bonafides or to cow potential political rivals.
The Nuba people of Sudan are in grave danger. After the many atrocities committed during the civil war and the genocide in Darfur, there is no doubt what the NCP government is willing — and capable — of doing. And with al-Bashir’s own party, the security services and the Islamist opposition unhappy about the loss of the South, the president will gladly sacrifice an ethnic group in order to stay president.
Shadi Bushra, a Sudanese American, works in Atlanta.
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