Driving across the political landscape on a relentless mission to slash government spending, the tea party has dramatically changed the nation's political debate -- and perhaps the course of its history.
The raising of the federal debt ceiling, once a perfunctory maneuver, now hinges on tea party demands for deep cuts in federal spending. Those demands have been accepted, to a greater or lesser degree, by leaders of both major parties.
For the tea party, which has moved from angry political outsider to central player, this could be a crowning moment. Then again, if House Republicans allied with the movement defeat any final compromise bill, and if the economy crashes in response, the blame could land smack at the tea party's feet, some political analysts say.
"They were instrumental in creating the terms of the debate," said Bob Grafstein, a University of Georgia professor of political science. But the group's tenacious, take-no-prisoners approach could backfire. "They could come across as fanatics," he said.
Georgia, with its long tradition of fiscal conservatism, has given rise to about 150 tea party groups, some more active than others.
Many, if not all, tea party groups oppose any increase to the debt ceiling under any circumstances. "No overspending, no more debt, no excuses," says a banner on the website of the national Tea Party Patriots.
However, as the political arm-wrestling continues with a Tuesday deadline for action, pressure in Congress to avert a U.S. default and the resulting economic damage will only heighten. Movement leaders say they won't budge.
"This is a moment. This is going to change Washington," said Debbie Dooley, a Dacula IT worker who is a national coordinator for the Tea Party Patriots.
Others suggest that a tea party victory this week might spell trouble for Republicans in the 2012 elections.
Norman Ornstein, a political scientist at the American Enterprise Institute, a center-right think tank, said the tea party's influence far outweighs its numbers.
"The Republicans in the House are not checking the pulse of the public as a whole," Ornstein said. "They are checking the pulse of a sliver of the Republican Party, its most activist and radical adherents."
In the tea party view, the choice between compromise and default is a false one. What's necessary, many members say, is for the government to simply spend no more than it takes in, starting immediately.
That would involve ceasing to pay about 40 to 45 percent of current obligations, according to the Bipartisan Policy Center, an organization made up of former government finance officials. And that could mean structural changes to entitlements such as Social Security and Medicare, rewriting the American social contract that has been in place since the 1930s.
Such a reversal is unpopular in many quarters. That may be why recent polls generally show that a majority of Americans favor raising the debt ceiling, cutting spending and raising new revenue by closing tax loopholes that benefit the wealthiest Americans.
The GOP's 2008 presidential nominee, Arizona Sen. John McCain, disparaged "tea party hobbits" for their unwillingness to bend, saying it could ultimately help re-elect President Barack Obama. McCain was echoing a recent Wall Street Journal editorial also critical of tea party tactics.
McCain's remarks prompted lawmakers with tea party ties to fire back. "I'd rather be a hobbit than a troll," said Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky. "The hobbits were the heroes."
Dianne DeVore, a member of the North Fulton and Friends Tea Party, dismissed the warnings as vintage sour grapes.
"Our elected officials were used to business as usual," said DeVore, who lives in Roswell. "Now that we've put some people in there who want to run the country constitutionally, making it fiscally sound, they can't stand it."
DeVore is among those tea party members who "got off the couch," as they say. She hardly had been involved politically beyond showing up on Election Day. But the election of Obama upset her and she helped create the north Fulton group to oppose stimulus spending and the federal health care overhaul.
"This is my country and I'm not going to let them do with it as they please," said DeVore, who has made protest signs, planned rallies and managed the group's email list. "Our money has been a credit card to them. They are addicted to spending."
The tea party plays political hardball. Compromise, for many members, equals capitulation. Having helped oust some incumbents in the 2010 mid-term elections, tea party groups have made it clear that they expect the candidates they support to toe the line.
"We're the 1,000-pound tiger in the room. Nobody wants to anger us," Dooley said.
The State of Georgia Tea Party sent Rep. Tom Graves, R-Ranger, a letter last year chastising him for some of his votes and warning him he could be replaced. Graves was one of two Georgia Republicans who on Friday voted against GOP Speaker John Boehner's bill to raise the debt ceiling in return for roughly an equal amount in spending cuts. The other was Rep. Paul Broun, R-Athens.
But even though GOP Reps. Phil Gingrey of Marietta and Tom Price of Roswell moved from the "no" to the "yes" column on Boehner's bill, Dooley said they won't necessarily feel the tea party's wrath. One who will, she said, is GOP Sen. Saxby Chambliss. As a member of the "Gang of Six," Chambliss worked with senators of both parties on a debt reduction plan that included some revenue increases as well as spending cuts.
In the end, Dooley said, she expects Congress to strike a bargain to raise the ceiling and make some cuts, but probably not enough.
Looking beyond Tuesday, tea party leaders make no secret that they have their eye on a larger prize: the 2012 presidential election.
"We're not going away," said DeVore of the north Fulton tea party group. "We're getting bigger and stronger."
Staff writer Katie Leslie contributed to this report.
About the Author
