Why politicians who use Christianity to frame abortion as a sin are wrong

Across the nation, anti-choice policymakers and activists are launching fresh assaults on reproductive rights. At the heart of this movement is an extreme Christian belief that the Bible tells us abortion is wrong.

For example, with extensive support from conservative Christian lawmakers and advocacy organizations, Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon recently signed a fetal heartbeat bill into law. The legislation’s sponsor, Rep. Chip Neiman, has consistently referenced Christianity in his anti-abortion advocacy, once stating, “We’re standing in the gap for those little people that can’t have a voice to say anything. Lord, you’ve given us an opportunity now as states to be able to stand up for [them].”

Meanwhile, Tennessee legislators recently floated a proposal that would allow the state to give the death penalty to women who receive an abortion. The amendment, which referred to “innocent human life, created in the image of God,” drew an eager endorsement from the president of the Southern Baptist Convention. And in Indiana, Attorney General Todd Rokita — who often references Christianity in his decision-making — just appealed a recent court decision that allows people to receive an abortion based on their own religious beliefs.

There’s no question: Without extreme Christian voices, the anti-choice movement would not hold anywhere near as much power as it does today. But their interpretation of the Bible is deeply flawed — and doesn’t belong anywhere near public policy.

What the Bible says about abortion

First and foremost, the text of the Bible doesn’t mention abortion. Ever.

Despite that, anti-abortion activists have read their perspective into the text and flooded public spaces with their message through billboards, bumper stickers and harassment outside clinics.

So how did this virulent anti-abortion movement emerge? It wasn’t from strong religious convictions. It was the product of politics.

For decades, all the mainline Christian denominations — including the Presbyterian Church (USA), the United Church of Christ and the United Methodist Church — expressed empathy for people considering abortion and support for reproductive rights.

They also advocated for the decriminalization of abortion prior to Roe v. Wade. Even the Southern Baptist Convention — which today is one of the most ardent anti-choice voices — passed several resolutions expressing support for abortion in the 1970s.

In 1971, the SBC called on members to support abortion in certain circumstances, including with “carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother.” They reaffirmed this statement in 1974.

The Rev. Dr. Rebecca Todd Peters is professor of religious studies at Elon University. (Courtesy)

First and foremost, the text of the Bible doesn’t mention abortion. Ever.

Despite that, anti-abortion activists have read their perspective into the text and flooded public spaces with their message through billboards, bumper stickers and harassment outside clinics.

So how did this virulent anti-abortion movement emerge? It wasn’t from strong religious convictions. It was the product of politics.

For decades, all the mainline Christian denominations — including the Presbyterian Church (USA), the United Church of Christ and the United Methodist Church — expressed empathy for people considering abortion and support for reproductive rights.

They also advocated for the decriminalization of abortion prior to Roe v. Wade. Even the Southern Baptist Convention — which today is one of the most ardent anti-choice voices — passed several resolutions expressing support for abortion in the 1970s.

In 1971, the SBC called on members to support abortion in certain circumstances, including with “carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother.” They reaffirmed this statement in 1974.

Then, in 1976, the SBC affirmed its “conviction about the limited role of government in dealing with matters relating to abortion.” It also expressed support for “the right of expectant mothers to the full range of medical services and personal counseling for the preservation of life and health.”

So, what changed? GOP operatives and evangelical leaders discovered that they could use abortion to mobilize evangelical voters — and advance their far-right agenda.

Here’s the tie between abortion and desegregation

The shift started after a key Supreme Court decision, Green v. Connally, threatened the tax-exempt status of Christian schools that refused to desegregate. The move angered evangelical leaders, who saw the ruling — in addition to other simultaneous civil rights efforts — as an assault on their “traditional values.”

But evangelical leaders — and GOP strategists hoping to draw evangelical voters to their candidates — knew it would be difficult to lean on racial discrimination to rally wider faith communities. Instead, they seized on the opportunity to villainize abortion, which was gaining attention after Roe v. Wade.

In the late 1970s, anti-abortion candidates started scoring electoral wins. And in 1979, religious leader and televangelist Jerry Falwell formed the Moral Majority, a far-right organization that played an instrumental role in demonizing abortion. Today, politically motivated fingerprints are all over the purportedly “Christian” anti-abortion movement.

But the narrow interpretation that abortion is immoral is hardly a consensus among Christians. As theologians who have studied the Bible for decades, we firmly believe that abortion is a moral good. While the Bible does not touch on abortion or reproductive rights specifically, it does affirm the dignity of all human beings. And forcing people to continue a pregnancy — including while they’re brain-dead, experiencing a dangerous miscarriage, or grappling with the emotional turmoil of a nonviable fetus — is a deep violation of the moral agency of pregnant people — as well as their human dignity.

The Rev. Dr. Serene Jones is the retired president of Union Theological Seminary. (Courtesy)

The shift started after a key Supreme Court decision, Green v. Connally, threatened the tax-exempt status of Christian schools that refused to desegregate. The move angered evangelical leaders, who saw the ruling — in addition to other simultaneous civil rights efforts — as an assault on their “traditional values.”

But evangelical leaders — and GOP strategists hoping to draw evangelical voters to their candidates — knew it would be difficult to lean on racial discrimination to rally wider faith communities. Instead, they seized on the opportunity to villainize abortion, which was gaining attention after Roe v. Wade.

In the late 1970s, anti-abortion candidates started scoring electoral wins. And in 1979, religious leader and televangelist Jerry Falwell formed the Moral Majority, a far-right organization that played an instrumental role in demonizing abortion. Today, politically motivated fingerprints are all over the purportedly “Christian” anti-abortion movement.

But the narrow interpretation that abortion is immoral is hardly a consensus among Christians. As theologians who have studied the Bible for decades, we firmly believe that abortion is a moral good. While the Bible does not touch on abortion or reproductive rights specifically, it does affirm the dignity of all human beings. And forcing people to continue a pregnancy — including while they’re brain-dead, experiencing a dangerous miscarriage, or grappling with the emotional turmoil of a nonviable fetus — is a deep violation of the moral agency of pregnant people — as well as their human dignity.

Additionally, many Christians believe that the ability to end the pregnancy of a raped 9-year old child is the hand of God offering grace and healing in an untenable situation.

The Bible also tells us to love every person without judgment and to empower the most vulnerable. The anti-abortion movement has contradicted these core values time and time again. Anti-choice activists have repeatedly staked out health clinics to harass people seeking reproductive care. Legislators have pushed policies to punish people who dare seek such care, and abortion providers are being targeted and arrested for providing it. Reports also show that states with abortion bans are making pregnancy more dangerous and experiencing a rise in infant deaths.

Moreover, just as Christianity is built on the absence of biblical directives, other religious traditions also have a variety of views on abortion. As such, denying abortion rights isn’t just immoral — it’s a violation of the basic religious freedoms of any faith group that does not align with this narrow Christian interpretation.

As extreme forces push even more policies to restrict reproductive rights, people of faith need to see through this biblical farce. There is nothing in the Bible that would justify such heinous behavior toward our fellow human beings.