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The AJC's endorsements for Tuesday's election

 

WHY WE ENDORSE

By CYNTHIA TUCKER
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Published on: 10/18/06

The endorsement of candidates for public office is a time-honored tradition of newspaper editorial pages, dating back to an era when powerful men, and occasionally women, published newspapers to spread a personal political philosophy. But with a technological revolution that has produced a bounty of news media, some argue that the political endorsement is antiquated, unnecessary, even divisive.

While many readers still find endorsements of local candidates valuable, endorsements of high-profile candidates have become more controversial. Some argue that voters already have more than ample opportunity to get to know candidates for president of the United States or U.S. Senate. Those campaigns attract plenty of press attention.

But my colleagues and I believe that endorsements of political candidates are as necessary as ever -- of the surfeit of news media and the resulting information overload. With so many competing sources of information, including political ads and Web sites produced by the candidates, voters may give up trying to decipher the candidates' stands on complex issues. Politicians rarely render complicated judgments in 30-second ads. Nor are they likely to be candid about their more controversial stances.

Highly-researched and well-written editorial endorsements can give voters that information. At this newspaper, editorial writers spend time researching candidates' resumes and ferreting out their views. We interview most candidates in person; sometimes, when that's not possible, we interview them over the telephone.

Notice that I didn't say "objective" endorsements give voters that analysis. Political endorsements are not objective; they are opinion, just like everything else that appears on these pages.

And our endorsements are certainly colored by a progressive political philosophy which dates back, many historians would say, to the days of Henry Grady, who was best known for seeking northern investment in a "New South." Given that tradition, the editorial page of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution tends to promote an activist government, believing it is duty-bound to support the aspirations of its citizens; to promote a full spectrum of human and civil rights for all people; to back responsible scientific research; and to promote the separation of church and state.

That sounds like a rather lofty manifesto, doesn't it?

Its practical applications are usually a bit less grandiose. Let's take races for statewide offices and legislative seats as an example.

The editorial board has a list of issues that we consider critical to the future of the state. We think the development of broad transportation infrastructure is very important. There is no way the 28-county Greater Atlanta area, with its frenzied growth, can preserve its quality of life with a transportation policy solely dependent on building roads. We need long-distance rail (Atlanta to Athens), more short-distance rail (Hartsfield to Jonesboro) and more buses.

We think public education would benefit from merit pay for teachers, smaller classes and a financing that helps equalize the funding gap between affluent suburban schools and poor rural schools. We'd like to see the Legislature put more money into providing low-cost health insurance, especially for children. We think employers should be held responsible when they hire illegal immigrants. We think the governor and the Legislature ought to start serious work now on one of the big problems of the next decade: having enough water for our rapid growth.

So when candidates for the Legislature come in for interviews, we try to discern how closely candidates' views hew to our own, and we usually base our endorsements on that.

We tailor the questions to the job the candidate is seeking. For example, editorial board members asked Karen Handel, GOP candidate for Secretary of State, and her Democratic opponent, Gail Buckner, about elections, voter IDs, voter registration and the supervision of professional licensing boards. We endorsed Handel because she had the management experienced needed to handle such a large agency.

We're not single-issue endorsers. No candidate has to agree with our views on every issue. We also give office-seekers credit for intelligence and creatively -- even if their political philosophies are different from ours. Perhaps this goes without saying, but I'll say it anyway: We expect office-seekers to exhibit principled conduct and to hold to high ethical standards. Using public office for personal gain is not an endearing quality in a politician.

You may not agree with all of our endorsements. Plenty of readers don't. But we offer them as an opportunity to get to know the candidates and their platforms a little better.

 

Congress: Oust Westmoreland, Norwood, but retain other House members

 

Published on: 10/31/06

In Georgia, as in much of the rest of the country, truly competitive congressional districts are rare. Most districts are so heavily stacked with either Republican or Democratic voters that they simply aren't in play, making it hard for challengers to attract money or attention.

In the 1st District in southeast Georgia, for example, Democrat Jim Nelson is challenging Republican incumbent Jack Kingston. Nelson has a good understanding of the issues, but his lack of experience as an elected official Ñ he is a pastor in Savannah Ñ makes it impossible to gauge his potential effectiveness in the House. Kingston's constituents have elected him seven times, a clear indication they endorse his conservative stance and his job performance, and he is likely to remain an influential Republican member regardless of which party controls the House in the next session. He has earned the chance to do so.

In the 2nd District, incumbent Democrat Sanford Bishop has cast some disappointing votes Ñ rejecting more money for embryonic stem cell research and expanding corporate welfare for oil companies, for instance. But he's shown fiscal prudence by rejecting several ruinous tax cuts the nation can't afford. He also serves on the Appropriations and Veterans Affairs committees, both of which are crucial to a district in southwest Georgia that relies heavily on major military installations, including Fort Benning. He's earned an eighth term.

Bishop's Republican opponent, Bradley Hughes, a minister of music, lacks experience and has little to offer voters except his deeply expressed religious beliefs.

Rep. Lynn Westmoreland, the incumbent Republican in the 3rd District, has been more consistent than many of his free-spending fellow Republicans in advocating true fiscal conservatism. But he has also proved a bit of a showboat, trying to block an extension of the Voting Rights Act and co-authoring a bill requiring that the Ten Commandments be posted in the Capitol (that proposal backfired when Westmoreland was unable to list more than five or six of the commandments in an appearance on the faux-news show "The Colbert Report"). He also supported a dangerous measure that would allow developers (like him) to automatically leapfrog state courts in local zoning disputes and take their cases directly to the federal bench.

Mike McGraw, an untested Democrat, is running against Westmoreland in the newly redrawn district that spans 15 counties including Coweta, Douglas, Fayette and Henry. McGraw, a Newnan businessman, has criticized the increasingly incestuous relationship between Congress and corporate lobbyists, supports a more diversified national energy policy and favors a much-needed course correction in Iraq. He is the choice in this district.

In the heavily Democratic 4th District, Hank Johnson, who defeated incumbent Cynthia McKinney, might become an effective lawmaker if he doesn't go to Washington and fade into the woodwork. A former DeKalb County commissioner, he has more leadership experience and community involvement than Republican opponent Catherine Davis, and his views on health care, the Iraq war, a higher minimum wage and the environment are consistent with voter sentiment in a district that covers DeKalb and part of Gwinnett.

In the 5th District, long-time incumbent John Lewis, a Democrat, is unopposed.

The 6th District is heavily Republican and the challenger, Steve Sinton, a former broadcaster, argues persuasively that the GOP Congress has failed to be fiscally responsible, has been too intrusive into personal affairs and has not performed its oversight role on the war in Iraq. He's right. But his opponent, Republican Tom Price, a surgeon and former state legislator, has toed the Bush administration line on nearly every major issue, and more comfortably reflects this conservative district.

In the 7th District in northern Georgia, incumbent Republican John Linder has made a name for himself with his advocacy of the so-called Fair Tax, which proposes to replace the income tax with a national sales tax. He is opposed by Democrat Allan Burns, another first-time candidate who is well-informed on the issues, but who hasn't been able to get much traction in this conservative district. Linder is the better fit.

Georgia's 8th District is one of the relative few across the country that is competitive; it is a conservative district represented by a conservative Democrat, Jim Marshall. His opponent is Republican Mac Collins, a former congressman who lost a bid for the U.S. Senate in the GOP primary two years ago.

Marshall, a former Army Ranger and decorated Vietnam veteran, has been an effective voice on military and defense issues in Congress, a role that would grow in importance should his party take control of Congress. During his previous time in Congress and in this campaign, Collins has offered voters little more than loyalty to his party. If conservative performance is more important to District 8 voters than party identification, they will re-elect Marshall.

In the 9th District along Georgia's northern border, incumbent Republican Nathan Deal is the easy choice over Democrat John Bradbury, a truck driver who lacks the experience or resources to be considered a serious candidate.

Rep. Charlie Norwood, an Augusta Republican, has represented the 10th District for 12 years. He received a lung transplant in 2004, the month before his last election, but his health has not been an issue in this race. Norwood has been a polarizing influence in the debate over illegal immigration, siding with zealots who claim the country is being invaded by Latin Americans conspiring to recapture parts of the United States. The Democrat in the race, Terry Holley, a jeweler and former teacher, articulates standard Democratic positions on most national issues (the war in Iraq, a minimum-wage hike, health insurance reform, etc.) and has no track record as an elected official at any level. But those drawbacks are more than offset by Norwood's extreme views on immigration and other issues. Voters in the district should take a chance on Holley.

The 11th District, which stretches from west Cobb County to the Alabama line, was reapportioned again in 2005 to make it more friendly to Republicans. So challenger Patrick Pillion, a courier from Carrollton making his first attempt at public office, starts from a substantial deficit in trying to unseat incumbent Republican Phil Gingrey of Marietta. Pillion has made the war in Iraq and universal health insurance two major campaign themes. But Gingrey's experience in the state Legislature and Congress, as well as his constituency work in Congress, should earn him a third term.

John Barrow, the Democratic incumbent in the 12th District, likes to point out that he regularly crosses his party leadership when his conscience requires it. That's an admirable quality in these days of extreme partisanship and one of the reasons voters should re-elect Barrow over Republican Max Burns in a rematch of the 2004 election. The eastern Georgia district has since been changed to bolster Republican chances, but Barrow votes frequently enough for GOP-endorsed legislation that voters in that party should feel comfortable retaining him.

In the 13th District, incumbent Democrat David Scott is a narrow choice over Republican Deborah Travis Honeycutt, a family physician from Riverdale. Honey-cutt is a smart, articulate candidate, but her inexperience makes it hard to advocate her election over Scott. He has worked hard to establish a constituency base in the newly redrawn district, which now includes a large portion of south Cobb County, as well as south Fulton, Clayton and parts of Douglas, DeKalb and Henry counties.

 

Lt. Governor: Voters would benefit with Jim Martin

 

Published on: 10/31/06

All Georgians -- adults, children, families, employees -- would benefit with Jim Martin as lieutenant governor

No Georgia constitutional officer requires a better understanding of the legislative process than the lieutenant governor, who presides over the state Senate.

The two candidates for that post, Republican Casey Cagle and Democrat Jim Martin, both have extensive careers in the General Assembly, and both have proved effective. What distinguishes the two are the goals that each man has attempted to accomplish.

Martin's 18-year legislative record reflects an unflinching dedication to public service, particularly on behalf of children and families. For example, he has authored many bills strengthening laws on child abuse and domestic violence. He advocates a regional transit system, and favors forming insurance pools to encourage more private employers to provide health insurance for their workers. He also backs an expansion of PeachCare, the state's health insurance for children of working Georgians who make too little money to afford insurance on their own.

Martin's commitment to children led him to give up his legislative career as well as a lucrative law practice and accept one of the most thankless jobs in state government, commissioner of the troubled Department of Human Resources. Appointed to the post by then-Gov. Roy Barnes, Martin was asked to remain in the post for a year under Republican Gov. Sonny Perdue. To his credit, Martin insisted on transparency in DHR, even when it meant exposing the fact that tragic mistakes by county-level caseworkers led to the deaths of two toddlers in families that had been investigated for abuse.

That belief in open government stands as a much-needed counterbalance to a growing trend toward secrecy by many in the GOP. Some Republicans predict that House Speaker Glenn Richardson (R-Hiram) will resurrect House Bill 218, a disastrous and controversial measure that would enable public officials to offer huge tax giveaways behind closed doors and to conceal controversial projects such as landfills until the ink is almost dry on the contract and it's too late for the public to protest.

Cagle, on the other hand, has talked a lot in his campaign about being raised by a single mother, about his own experience as a parent and about his business skills. What the Gainesville Republican hasn't mentioned too often is his 12-year record in the Legislature.

There's good reason. While Cagle's TV ads portray him as a friend to Georgia families, his record shows him to be an even better friend to Big Business. While Georgia's leaders ought to encourage business growth, they shouldn't do so by bartering away the quality of life of Georgia's residents.

Cagle's record doesn't reflect that balance. For example, Cagle led a stealth movement three years ago to privatize the state's water, an approach that would have turned water into a commodity auctioned off to the highest bidder. Only grass-roots resistance by local officials, environmentalists and citizens stopped the bill, which would have given private business control of the state's water resources and shut out the other 8 million Georgians who rely on that water.

A year later, the Sierra Club named Cagle to its "Dirty Dozen" list of legislators because of his attempts to ease the way for developers and businesses to disturb protective buffers alongside streams and to pipe and pave over the state's smallest streams. If Cagle's bill became law, University of Georgia scientists warned, "the chances for widespread destruction of small streams is great, with significant consequences for downstream flooding, water supply, water quality and fisheries resources."

In one of his most disappointing moments in the Legislature, Cagle pushed for the firing of Carol Couch, the competent and plain-speaking director of the state Environmental Protection Division, because she had the audacity to criticize his stream buffer bill.

To his credit, Cagle has taken a stern stance against threats to open government such as House Bill 218, a position that takes courage because it clashes with that of other GOP leaders, including Perdue. But for voters who believe that Georgia's future requires more than merely making life easier for corporate interests, Martin is the better candidate.

 

Dekalb: School board due changes

 

Published on: 10/31/06

In their combined half-century on the DeKalb County school board, Frances Edwards, Elizabeth Andrews and Sarah Copelin-Wood have watched the system decline.

Most recently, board members botched the hiring and firing of Superintendent Johnny Brown, whom they had to pay $410,000 to go away. Charges of meddling and patronage by board members have also contributed to public mistrust. An audit of the $500 million SPLOST-funded school construction program found that neither the school system nor its management firm did its job thoroughly, leading to delays and likely overpayments.

It's time for a change, especially as the financially strapped system looks ahead to a controversial redistricting, school consolidations and a campaign to persuade voters to embrace a third sales-tax initiative.

Six seats on the nine-seat, nonpartisan board are up for election, but only five are being contested.

In District 3, three candidates are challenging Copelin-Wood, who has been on the board for eight years. The most promising is Hayward Lamar Jr., who offers some management experience. As an involved Cedar Grove High School parent, Lamar has questioned the school system on standards and grade inflation and was on the task force to evaluate block scheduling.

In District 5, two motivated parents -- Jesse "Jay" Cunningham and Wendell D. Muhammad -- are challenging Edwards. Cunningham offers a peerless record of school involvement, including service as a PTSA president and on several school councils.

A restaurant owner, Cunningham is plain-speaking and direct and spends a lot of time in the schools. He reflects the impatience of many of his neighbors in south DeKalb over the failure to keep pace with growth and calls for better communication between the school board and County Commission.

In District 6, attorney and certified public accountant Thomas Eugene Bowen brings invaluable expertise in law and taxes. Bowen also chairs the Georgia Student Finance Commission, which oversees the HOPE scholarship.

His opponent, David Anderson, is the ex-husband of school board chairwoman Cassandra Anderson-Littlejohn. Two years ago, Anderson ran against his ex-wife in a messy campaign that degenerated into a soap opera, and District 6 voters ought to worry about whether their stormy personal history would undermine his effectiveness.

In District 7, voters ought to back one-term incumbent Zepora W. Roberts, who has demonstrated independence in her thinking and her votes. Her opponent, Sandra Gistarb, simply doesn't make a strong argument to dump Roberts.

In District 9, Andrews has seen county schools change dramatically in her 28 years as a board member, but it's not clear that she has changed with those times. She has a viable opponent in Colet Odenigbo, who quit his job as a juvenile court probation officer to run for the board.

A 14-year Navy veteran, Odenigbo wants to focus on keeping children out of juvenile court and in school, and he has the background to shape effective programs to do so.

 

Gwinnett: Ballot issues sound; incumbents deserve new term

 

Published on: 10/30/06

Reasons to be positive

Gwinnett voters should approve ballot initiatives; incumbents in state Legislature deserve a new term

Only a handful of contested races await Gwinnett County voters, but a trip to the polls is still vital.

Among issues to be decided is the proposed renewal of a 1 percent sales tax projected to produce up to $1.1 billion for 27 new schools, nine school additions, land purchases and technology improvements. The county school system of 152,000 students is projected to exceed 187,000 by 2014, clearly requiring new buildings and more classrooms. The sales tax extension is a good way to finance them. Vote "yes."

Another ballot question would allow the county to designate "tax allocation districts" (TADs) to spur investment and improvements in declining areas. Unfortunately, the vague ballot wording -- "Act No. 372 Redevelopment Powers Law: Senate Bill No. 13" -- explains nothing about the measure.

When a TAD is created, bonds are sold to finance improvements such as building parks or roads. The bonds are then repaid using property tax revenues generated by rising property values in the district. Approving the TAD option would give Gwinnett a valuable tool in its struggle with deteriorating communities. Vote "yes."

County voters also must choose two state senators, two state representatives and a county commissioner.

In state Senate District 40, one-term incumbent Republican Dan Weber, a mechanical engineer from Dunwoody, faces Democrat Martin McConaughy, a retired schoolteacher from Tucker. McConaughy brings intelligence and fresh ideas, but Weber is also smart and articulate, and deserves one more term to prove himself. His biggest handicap, however, is an unwillingness to buck his party even when he disagrees with its positions on education funding and other issues. His intelligence doesn't do his constituents much good if he can't find the independence to use it.

In Senate District 41, Democratic incumbent Steve Henson is challenged by Republican first-time candidate Frank Auman, a businessman with a finance background. While impressive and smart, Auman doesn't make a real argument for replacing Henson, who is highly effective in the Senate.

In state House District 95, incumbent Robert Mumford (R-Conyers) faces a challenge from George C. Wilson, a Democrat and small-business owner from Stone Mountain. While Wilson has a strong record of community involvement and a promising future, there is no compelling reason for voters to cast aside the legal and judicial expertise, credentials and depth of Mumford, a former district attorney.

In House District 106, voters must choose between incumbent Republican Melvin Everson and first-time candidate Tony Lentini, who has shown leadership in homeowner efforts in south Gwinnett. Everson, a former Snellville City Council member and mayor pro tem, has only been in the House a year, winning the seat in a special election in September 2005. Voters should see what he can accomplish with a full term.

There's little joy to be found in Gwinnett's County Commission District 4 race. Republican incumbent Kevin Kenerly has lost credibility with voters through his lack of responsiveness and his connections to the development community. However, his Democratic challenger, John B. Kenney, has shown little ability to even organize a viable campaign, leaving Kenerly the default choice.

-- Jay Bookman (jbookman@ajc.com) and Susan Gast (sgast@ajc.com), for the editorial board

* ON AJC.COM: A list of the editorial board's endorsements for the Nov. 7 elections: www.ajc.com/news/content/opinion/stories/06generalendorse.html

 

Governor: Taylor is better

 

Published on: 10/29/06

f Georgia voters have had a hard time catching a glimpse of the real records and philosophies of the two major candidates for governor, that's understandable.

It hasn't been easy, or maybe even possible, to peer through the blizzard of commercials launched by Republican Gov. Sonny Perdue and his Democratic challenger, Mark Taylor, and get a good idea of what either candidate has to offer.

Both men have records of public service and accomplishment. Both are easily within the mainstream of Georgia politics, and either would be an effective caretaker of the status quo. Unfortunately, neither man has a compelling vision for taking the state confidently forward. The primary difference between them is probably in their ideas of what state government in general, and the governor in particular, should try to accomplish for the people they represent, and what the relationship between governor and citizen ought to be.

In his four years as governor, Perdue has proved to be a competent manager, but he has a constrained concept of leadership. He has seemed almost complacent as governor, as if it were somehow inappropriate or unnecessary for Georgia's top leader to use his authority to push the state to improve itself.

On transportation, for example, Perdue has done little if anything to address metro Atlanta's increasing congestion problems. And his most ambitious effort in education reform, a bill to require that school districts spend 65 percent of their money on classroom instruction, came not from close scrutiny of Georgia's education needs but was borrowed cookie-cutter fashion from an ideological group in Washington.

Perdue's biggest focus has been on making life easier and cheaper for business and corporate interests, even if it has meant weakening legal protections and safety nets for individual Georgians and their families.

For example, he has supported efforts to weaken the state's Open Meeting and Open Records laws as they apply to economic development efforts, such as luring new businesses to Georgia with offers of tax breaks, financial aid or even land provided at taxpayer expense. He and his administration have argued that the public has no right to information about such efforts until the negotiations are over and the deal has been finalized.

Perdue's theory is that if citizens are unhappy with the decisions that he and other public officials make in luring business to Georgia, they can make that unhappiness felt later at the voting booths, by voting against the offending politicians.

While true, there are at least two major problems with that rationale.

First, Perdue's approach strips citizens of the right to influence their government in real time, before potential damage can be done. Again, it reflects a belief that Georgia's future is something best negotiated between men of power in business and government, away from the prying eyes of voters.

That's a top-down, government-knows-best approach that Georgians of any party or ideology ought to reject.

Second, Perdue's rationale undermines the whole concept of open government and open records. Using his logic, the General Assembly should also be allowed to conduct its sessions in secret, letting voters know what laws they passed only after the session ended. That same theory could be used to allow county commissions and city councils to conduct zoning hearings in secret, since there, too, the public would have the opportunity to pass judgment after the fact.

That high-handed, public-be-damned attitude is particularly disappointing given Perdue's attacks four years ago on Gov. Roy Barnes, whom Republicans derided at the time as King Roy. In deciding to conduct the people's business behind closed doors, Perdue has shown himself to be intoxicated with the power of the office rather than interested in the public welfare.

Although Taylor and his campaign have struggled to communicate the fact, he envisions a more aggressive and more open leadership role as governor. He also believes that government has a valid role in making life better for the people who live, work and raise families here, for example, by trying to ensure that all Georgia children have access to health care.

Taylor also understands that in the modern era, quality economic growth will be drawn not to those areas with the lowest taxes or most malleable government -- places such as China offer both on a scale that Georgia cannot and should not try to match -- but to those areas that offer a vibrant quality of life, a modern transportation system and a highly educated work force. An active government is essential in creating that environment.

Unfortunately, Taylor's inability to communicate those beliefs effectively in this campaign raises legitimate questions about how effective he would be as governor, dealing with a Republican Legislature. For whatever reason -- perhaps because of his poor showing so far in the polls, perhaps because of the hard battle he faced in his party's primary -- he has yet to find his footing in the fall campaign.

It's too bad Georgia's political system has not produced candidates for the state's highest position with more to offer. But in choosing between these two candidates, both of whom have little vision, Taylor is the better choice. At least he supports the fundamental right of Georgia's citizens to scrutinize their elected and appointed officials at every step of their decision-making.

 

Ballot issues: With one exception, just say no

 

Published on: 10/27/06

Georgia voters face nine ballot questions this year: three proposed amendments to the state constitution and six proposals to change the state tax code.

Of the nine, only the amendment to reform state law regarding eminent domain has any real significance and deserves voter support. The rest are obvious plays by the General Assembly to curry favor with particular interest groups. While the amount of revenue that would be lost from each tax break is not all that significant, they would be tagged onto a long list of relatively minor tax breaks conferred over the years that together add up to $10 billion a year in lost revenue.

Here's a rundown on the ballot questions:

Constitutional amendment No. 1: To restrict the use of eminent domain. This is the state's effort to reform eminent domain law after last year's U.S. Supreme Court decision confirming the power of local officials to condemn private property and sell it to developers to increase the tax base. This amendment would require a public vote by elected officials before property could be taken through eminent domain, and sets specific standards that must be met before an area can be declared "blighted" and thus eligible for forced purchase through eminent domain.Vote yes.

Constitutional amendment No. 2: To protect the traditions of fishing and hunting. This isn't a joke. The Legislature passed this amendment in 2005, ostensibly in response to efforts to restrict some forms of deer hunting. Supporters want you to think it will simply uphold the tradition of Gramps and Junior enjoying the outdoors. Don't buy it. This amendment is more likely a veiled effort to keep local officials, such as city councils, from enacting their own ordinances regarding hunting and weapons used in hunting within their jurisdictions. Vote no.

Constitutional amendment No. 3: To dedicate revenue from special license plates. This would allow proceeds from new special-issue license plates to go directly to private groups or causes represented on the plates, including Civil War heritage sites, the Georgia War Veterans Nursing Home, adoption-over-abortion groups ("Choose Life" would be words on one proposed plate) and a dozen or more other groups approved by the Legislature. State agencies should not be used as fund-raisers for private political purposes. Vote no.

Referendum A: Tax exemption for farm equipment. This would exempt farmers from ad valorem taxes on some leased farm equipment. There is no valid reason that farmers shouldn't pay taxes on that equipment when other Georgians who make similar investments in their businesses are not exempted. Vote no.

Referendum B: Tax exemption for veterans groups. This innocuous-sounding proposal is an attempt to expand existing property tax exemptions for federally recognized veterans groups to include "nonprofit veterans organizations which refurbish and operate historic military aircraft for educational purposes." They don't need a tax exemption to do this. Vote no.

Referendum C: Tax exemption for charitable institutions. This would exempt charitable groups from paying taxes on any revenue-producing property they own as long as the money goes to the group's charitable operations. Existing law already exempts taxes on property used for charitable work. This change would encourage charities to get into real estate and other for-profit enterprises, allowing them to compete unfairly with taxpaying private businesses. Vote no.

Referendum D: Homestead exemption for senior citizens. This is another effort to let the state's elderly residents off the hook for paying their fair share of taxes. In this case, Georgians 65 and older would be exempted from paying the state levy on property taxes on their homes, a break that would amount to about $7 million in the next fiscal year. Many school districts already exempt the elderly from paying school property taxes. The effort to discharge seniors -- regardless of income -- from responsibility to pay taxes is bad public policy. Vote no.

Referendum E: Homestead exemption for surviving spouse of peace officer or firefighter. The code change would exempt surviving spouses of cops and firefighters from paying property taxes on homes if their spouses are killed in the line of duty. Helping widows and families of slain public safety officers should be done directly through better insurance policies, death benefits and other measures -- not through yet another tax exemption. Vote no.

Referendum F: Homestead exemption for a surviving spouse. Promoters of this amendment say it is needed for cases in which a surviving spouse is not listed as the original applicant for a senior citizen homestead exemption or is too young to qualify for the exemption. But there is little evidence that most surviving spouses in such circumstances are not benefiting from existing exemptions. Vote no.

-- Mike King (mking@ajc.com) and David McNaughton (dmcnaughton@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

Clayton: Two offer leadership county needs

 

Published on: 10/27/06

In the race for Clayton County Commission District 4, a pair of political novices are running to fill the vacancy left by incumbent Charlie Griswell, who is not seeking re-election.

Republican Michael "Mike" Johnson is a lifelong Clayton resident and developer who sees reducing crime and easing gridlock as top priorities for voters. But his Democratic opponent, Michael Edmondson, a banking executive and financial planner, is the better choice. Johnson has specific ideas about improving zoning on major thoroughfares, such as Tara Boulevard, to attract higher-quality businesses. He's been outspoken about the county's failure to complete six recreation centers with revenues generated by a special purpose local option sales tax -- a chronic sore point with residents.

Edmondson seems more solid in his support for a much-needed commuter rail line between Atlanta and Lovejoy, while sharing his opponent's understandable reservations about funding it with taxpayer dollars alone.

In the only contested race for county school board, David Barton, a Republican, is the clear-cut choice over his District 9 Democratic opponent, Sandra Scott, a teacher.

Barton is a Realtor whose knowledge of contracts and business could prove an asset to a board well-stocked with active and retired educators. Barton has children in Clayton schools and has served as a volunteer on the school council. (If elected, Barton, whose wife works for the school district, must scrupulously avoid potential conflicts of interest between his business and family. )

It's noteworthy that only two of 15 open seats for local government in Clayton are contested in the general election. In part, that's because the county is trending so Democratic that would-be Republican challengers may be discouraged from running. But it's important to guard against letting apathy set in, thus making it easier for lackluster incumbents, political opportunists and racial demagogues to fill the resulting leadership gap.

That's what happened in the meltdown of the school board several years ago, a spectacle that nearly cost the district its academic accreditation. The situation has improved somewhat since then. But if Clayton County expects to thrive, conscientious residents must offer themselves for public office in future elections, regardless of their race or political affiliation.

-- Lyle V. Harris, for the editorial board (lharris@ajc.com)

 

Fulton: Pared-down county needs new blood

 

Published on: 10/26/06

The Fulton County Commission is running out of time to prove to voters it can function as a governing body. Having alienated much of north Fulton into incorporation, the commission faces the prospect of losing south Fulton to cityhood as well next year.

However, even if voters in the remainder of unincorporated Fulton County opt to form cities, the county still will be responsible for a range of vital services financed by taxpayers, from the courts and the county jail, to health services and libraries. For that reason, Fulton voters owe it to themselves to elect commissioners who work in tandem instead of at odds with one another.

Unfortunately, voters have a choice of candidates in only two of the seven commission races; five incumbents are unopposed.

The most difficult decision for voters is the District 1 race, the seat being vacated by Commission Chairwoman Karen Handel, who's running for secretary of state.

John Eaves, a Democrat, and Lee Morris, a Republican, are both solid candidates to succeed her. Morris, an attorney and certified public accountant, is the better choice. He served two terms on the Atlanta City Council, and now wants to deal with Fulton County's problems.

Morris sees the benefit of government services being provided on a regional basis, and he advocates rolling the various metro Atlanta transit systems into a seamless operation. His interest in public transit is such that he considers membership on the regional Transit Planning Board a major attraction of the Fulton Commission job. Morris also recognizes that the state as well as other metro Atlanta counties need to share the cost of operating the Grady Health System with Fulton and DeKalb counties.

Eaves, former Southeast regional manager for the Peace Corps, offers a commitment to community service and experience as an education administrator. He wants to encourage greater cooperation among local governments to provide needed services as efficiently and as cost-effectively as possible. It's a worthy idea.

Morris' political and professional experience would be an asset to the commission and give him the edge over Eaves. If Morris can tackle Fulton County's major problems with the same enthusiasm he has for transportation issues, then voters will be well served.

In District 2, Democrat Robb Pitts, an incumbent, is being challenged by Republican Bill Loughrey, a longtime member of the Fulton-DeKalb Hospital Authority. Loughrey is the stronger candidate. His experience with a troubled institution, Grady, and impatience over Fulton's problems should help him add needed energy to the commission.

To Pitts' credit, he's an advocate of consolidating some public services across local government lines to save money for taxpayers. But Pitts had his opportunity in office and turned in a lackluster performance as commissioner. An example is his initial support for the other Democratic members of the commission when, in a snit over Sandy Springs' incorporation, they proposed selling public parkland in the new city to the highest bidder. Pitts eventually reversed course and supported a plan to sell the parks to Sandy Springs at a reasonable price. His first reaction should have been to help squash the vindictive proposal.

In other contested races, Fulton voters will choose a state senator, two state House members and two school board members.

Judson Hill, a Republican and incumbent, faces newcomer Ruth Levy, a Democrat, in Senate District 32. The district includes east Cobb as well as Sandy Springs. Hill has ably represented the district and voters should return him to the General Assembly to continue his efforts to make health care affordable in Georgia.

In House District 46, incumbent Republican Jan Jones is a narrow choice over first-time candidate Melanie Eyre, a Democrat. Eyre is a compelling candidate with an obvious and commendable desire to improve education in Georgia. But Jones, who is now proposing to form a new county in north Fulton, is in sync with many of her constituents in Roswell, Alpharetta, Milton and Mountain Park, and is likely to be a more effective legislator in a Republican-controlled Legislature.

In House District 48, which includes parts of Sandy Springs and Roswell, Republican Harry Geisinger, the incumbent, is being challenged again by Democrat Jan Hackney. Hackney deserves the support of voters.

In his favor, Geisinger supports a regional approach to mass transit and to financing for Grady. But too often he has voted for legislation endorsed by his party but that's not in the best interest of Georgians. And Geisinger favors more tax breaks for retirees, a fiscally unsound policy that leaves middle-class Georgia families footing most of the tax bill.

Hackney is well versed on important issues. Her advocacy for educational improvement in the state and openness in government is a critical need in the General Assembly.

Two Fulton County Board of Education seats are contested. In District 6, Catherine Maddox deserves the nod from voters. She has more promising ideas about how to keep Fulton's youngsters in school and learning than does her opponent. Mose James III.

The decision for voters is more difficult in District 7. Warren Collier, an active PTA and school council parent, promises to bring more accountability to the board for its operations. However, the experience and institutional knowledge that incumbent Julia Bernath provides makes her the wiser choice in this race.

-- David McNaughton (dmcnaughton@ajc.com) and Carla Caldwell (ccaldwell@ajc.com) for the editorial board

 

Supreme Court: Hunstein's record is solid

 

Published on: 10/25/06

Based strictly on qualifications -- years practicing law, arguing cases in state courts, presiding over trials and listening to appeals -- the contested race for the Georgia Supreme Court on the November ballot really shouldn't be close.

Justice Carol Hunstein, who has served on the high court since 1992 and been elected by Georgians twice, is clearly a better choice than her challenger, Mike Wiggins, a former Bush administration lawyer who has not argued a case before the State Court of Appeals or Supreme Court in his career.

Besides her experience as a trial court judge -- she was a DeKalb Superior Court jurist before joining the high court -- Hunstein's personal story is inspiring. She overcame cancer at a young age but lost a leg in the battle.

Politically, she is a no-nonsense judge who has the backing of conservative Democrats, such as former Gov. Zell Miller, who appointed her to the high court, and Republicans such as former state Attorney General Mike Bowers. She has a well earned reputation as a tough, but fair, justice who has walked the fine line between safeguarding defendant rights while at the same time seeing to it that those who break the law are appropriately punished.

But this race, which is expected to set records for campaign spending for a judicial post, is not about qualifications. It is about political control and the raw exercise of special-interest powers.

Hunstein's opposition is coming from a well-financed coalition of business and professional groups who are, simply put, out to buy a seat on the state's highest court. The coalition, which boasts a heavily Republican presence, is backing Wiggins by attacking Hunstein, although Wiggins is trying to keep an arm's length distance between himself and those raising huge sums of money to defeat the incumbent.

The group goes by the lofty name of the Georgia Safety and Prosperity Coalition. As an independent political group -- not tied to a particular party or candidate -- there is no limit on how much individuals or businesses can contribute to it or how much it can spend. Early on in the campaign the group got $100,000 from the political action committee of the Medical Association of Georgia, $50,000 each from DaimlerChrysler and the Georgia Hospital Association, $25,000 each from the American Insurance Association and the Coca-Cola Bottlers Association. The group has already booked $200,000 worth of commercials and is likely to spend much more. Hunstein expects she'll have to raise and spend $1 million in her own campaign to defend her record.

Even though the race is supposed to be nonpartisan, Wiggins and his supporters have touted his Republican connections and have declared Hunstein to be "the Democrat in the race." They like Wiggins because they believe he will uphold their interests on a range of issues from limiting what juries can award in liability cases to slamming the door shut on the public's access to government decisions on tax breaks and other inducements to promote economic development. In effect, they want him to be just the kind of "activist" judge they claim to abhor, as long as he is active for their causes.

Similar, well-financed campaigns are being mounted around the country by business and special-interest groups in hopes of influencing who is elected to state appeals courts.

While there were other Georgia Supreme Court justices up for re-election this year -- all three of them men -- the coalition decided Wiggins should run against Hunstein because, as a woman and a DeKalb County resident, they thought she could be portrayed as a liberal Democrat. (Interestingly the same tactic was used two years ago when some of the same groups now backing Wiggins went after Justice Leah Sears and lost.)

In what has to be the most embarrassing memo in the campaign, Liz Young, treasurer of the Safety and Prosperity Coalition, advised Wiggins in an e-mail how to answer why he was running against Hunstein, suggesting the "answer cannot be that she is a one-legged, Jewish female from DeKalb County." Besides the ugliness of that sentiment, the advice is factually incorrect -- Hunstein is Christian.

The coalition's portrayal of Hunstein as soft on crime plays equally loose with facts. At least two independent studies of court rulings while Hunstein has been on the bench showed that she has consistently sided with government prosecutors more often than the court as a whole. So if it isn't about being soft on crime, why challenge her? Wiggins, in a fund-raising letter early in the campaign, got closer to what's really at stake.

He noted that conservatives -- although what he probably meant was Republicans -- have succeeded in Georgia at taking control of the legislative and executive branches, leaving only the state's judiciary as "the last frontier."

Georgia voters long ago decided that Supreme Court elections would be nonpartisan races and established rules for how the candidates could raise money. The law says contributions to those candidates would be limited to $5,000 maximum for an individual, business or group.

The Safety and Prosperity Coalition wants to undermine the state's court system by buying a seat on the Supreme Court. Justice Carol Hunstein stands in the way of that effort. Georgia voters should stand with her.

-- Mike King (mking@ajc.com) and Maureen Downey (mdowney@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

Labor Commissioner: Thurmond best for job

 

Published on: 10/25/06

The Georgia Department of Labor is a pivotal agency and the impressive candidates running to serve as its next commissioner deserve serious consideration.

Republican Brent Brown embodies his party's brightest ideals. Smart, energetic, amiable and clear-thinking, Brown eschews sharp partisanship. Although Brown lost in the GOP primary for the same post four years ago, he has attributes that will make him an attractive candidate for future elective office.

That said, two-term Democratic incumbent Michael Thurmond, a former state lawmaker, is the superior, more experienced choice. Thurmond has proved himself a capable administrator and passionate advocate for Georgians who have lost their jobs or who are disconnected from the labor market because they lack the necessary skills or education.

Brown has criticized Thurmond for devoting too many resources to helping the unemployed. Brown said he'd instead focus also on developing a more educated work force to attract business to Georgia, and better preparing high-school graduates for good-paying, skilled trades.

Thurmond should take such constructive criticisms seriously. But it's difficult to fault him for concentrating on service delivery to Georgians who are in dire straits because of layoffs, downsizing or economic cross-currents beyond their control. Under Thurmond, the agency has been commended as one of the most effective in the nation.

Thurmond said that if re-elected he plans to work on expanding training for disabled workers and ex-offenders while continuing programs that connect the dots between education, health care, job training and retention.

Thurmond is pragmatic, saying "you don't solve the problems completely. But if you can capture the trend lines and get them going down instead of going up, then you're doing good." But he also understands that, "work has value that goes beyond getting a paycheck. Who you are depends a lot on what you do."

What Thurmond has done with the agency so far clearly indicates he's still the best man for the job.

-- Lyle V. Harris (lharris@ajc.com) and Jay Bookman (jbookman@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

Attorney General: Thurbert Baker backs voters

 

Published on: 10/17/06

Attorney general's record of fighting for the people designates him as a clear choice for re-election

The attorney general for the state of Georgia is, by law, elected by citizens to represent their legal interests. The state attorney general doesn't work for the governor or the Legislature. He works for the people.

In 2003, however, Gov. Sonny Perdue challenged that understanding in a case involving legislative redistricting, insisting that the attorney general's job was to represent the executive branch and the governor. The legal dispute between Perdue and Attorney General Thurbert Baker went all the way to the state Supreme Court, and Baker won, thus preserving the independence of the state attorney general's office.

Ever since then, though, the state Republican Party has been out to remove Baker. The party's candidate this year is Perry McGuire, a former state senator who criticizes Baker as too detached from the job. More specifically, he claims that in one case Baker's detachment resulted in the unnecessary retrial of a confessed killer.

The 22-year-old case involves legal mistakes made at the local trial level -- the defendant wasn't properly informed of his rights -- not by the attorney general's office. Baker's office entered the picture because the attorney general, by law, is required to handle the demand for a retrial after a defendant is sentenced. Baker lost the appeal against a retrial, but only because the established facts in the case were against him.

The Houston County district attorney who will now have to retry the murder case -- and who is publicly trying to blame Baker for that fact -- is the same lawyer who represented Perdue in the dispute between Baker and Perdue over legislative redistricting in 2003.

McGuire also criticizes Baker for having never personally argued a major case in court during his nine-year tenure. Yet, McGuire, a former corporate attorney for Chic-fil-A, has virtually no experience himself trying cases in court.

Baker has established a solid record by hiring and working closely with a group of experienced lawyers who serve as his deputies. The office has been at the forefront nationally in prosecuting Medicaid fraud cases and in recent years has convicted 45 public officials -- including two sitting Democrats in the state Senate -- of corruption.

Baker has also worked to strengthen domestic violence laws, getting longer sentences for anyone convicted of a violent act while in the presence of a child. Like his predecessor, Republican Mike Bowers, Baker has also been a staunch defender of open government, vigorously upholding the state's Open Records and Open Meetings acts against assaults from private groups and public officials. While that position has put him at odds with some influential people in the state, most prominently the governor, it keeps the faith with voters who have entrusted him to carry out the state's laws.

Thurbert Baker is a clear choice for re-election.

-- Mike King (mking@ajc.com) and Lyle V. Harris (lharris@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

School Superintendent: Excel with Cox, education reform

 

Published on: 10/16/06

A long string of Georgia politicians have labored to change the state's lackluster education system; few stayed around long enough to really improve it.

That's why it's important to re-elect Kathy Cox for state school superintendent. In her first four years in office, she's initiated significant curriculum reforms. Those reforms have only begun to take root, and changing leadership now could kill all the ambitious efforts of Cox and the state Department of Education.

Education reforms take time. Schools and teachers are just learning the new curriculum designed to narrow the focus and improve the academic performance of Georgia students. Ousting Cox now could dismantle those reforms or slow their progress, and Georgia cannot afford any more setbacks in school improvement.

Witness the delay in class size reductions that followed the defeat of Roy Barnes and the election of Sonny Perdue four years ago. A centerpiece of Barnes' reforms, the scheduled reductions languished three years under Perdue, only to be revived this year as a re-election strategy.

Cox's Democratic opponent is former U.S. Rep. Denise Majette, who resigned her congressional seat to unsuccessfully run for senator in 2004. Majette offers shining personal educational credentials; she is a graduate of Yale University and Duke Law School. And she speaks with passion and precision about the state's startling dropout rate.

But the race has been decidedly low-key. Cox touts incremental rises in test scores, and Majette decries the inequity in school funding. Neither has articulated a real plan to address teacher quality, which remains a serious issue in Georgia.

The only out-of-the-box idea has come from the Libertarian candidate David Chastain, who says he wants to be the last elected Georgia school superintendent. Chastain wants the superintendent to be appointed to assure a greater chance that the person is smart about education rather than simply politically astute.

Given that the previous Georgia superintendent, Linda Schrenko, is now residing in the Federal Correctional Institution in Tallahassee for stealing education funds, Chastain's point is well taken.

But since Georgians are stuck with electing a superintendent until they rise up and amend the state constitution, they ought to give Cox another four years to guide her reforms through to fruition.

-- Maureen Downey (mdowney@ajc.com) and Mike King (mking@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

Secretary of State: Handel fit for the job

 

Published on: 10/16/06

The secretary of state is among the constitutional offices that's irrelevant to people until they need one of the critical services overseen by the office: elections, professional licensure, incorporations and securities regulation. Then, it becomes critical that the secretary of state's office respond with speed and efficiency.

Republican candidate Karen Handel is the best choice for ensuring that the secretary of state's office continues to operate smoothly and enhance its customer services. As chairman of the Fulton County Commission, Handel has honed her management and budget skills. She's also proven she can work with one of the most cantankerous boards in the state, the Fulton County Commission, without losing her focus or her temper.

The only sour note in Handel's campaign is her embarrassing Web site pandering to the GOP's most conservative ranks. Although the secretary of state's office has zero influence on legislative policies, Handel's Web site features her opinions on abortion, domestic partnerships and gay adoptions, all of which she opposes. (She might as well have listed her Oscar picks for all the relevance they have to the actual job she's asking voters to award her in November.)

In the area of elections, Handel understands the greatest threat is not voter fraud, but voter indifference; she says one approach to changing that could be a motivational campaign that would make failing to vote as unacceptable as littering. She also emphasizes that voting is not a privilege, as some in her party contend, but a right. So while she supports a photo ID to vote, Handel says the requirement has to be accompanied by a "robust outreach" to educate voters before it can go in effect.

She wants to overhaul and improve licensing boards and improve the response time to consumer complaints. Handel is levelheaded, straightforward and accomplished. Her opponent, Democrat Gail Buckner, offers many of those same traits, but she lacks Handel's deep resume in management.

-- Maureen Downey and Lyle V. Harris, for the editorial board (mdowney@ajc.com, lharris@ajc.com)

 

Insurance Commissioner: Oxendine pulls his weight

 

Published on: 10/20/06

Georgia consumers deserve more appealing choices than they have been offered in the race for state insurance commissioner.

On one hand is a candidate who relies heavily on campaign contributions from individuals within the industry regulated by the commissioner's office. On the other is a candidate whose serious ethics lapse a decade ago is cause for equal or greater concern.

Consumers rely on the commissioner to ensure that insurance is both affordable and available in Georgia. It's a pocketbook issue that requires a balancing act to protect consumers from being charged too much while permitting auto and home insurers to charge enough to keep them doing business in the state. Besides regulating insurance companies, the commissioner's office oversees small-loan firms and the fire marshal's office.

John Oxendine, the Republican incumbent, was first elected to the office in 1994. His experience and knowledge of the industry work in his favor. So does his crackdown on health insurers that are slow to pay claims.

However, he has also defended the state's often predatory small-loan companies, which saddle consumers with effective annual interest that can exceed 100 percent. While serving as commissioner, Oxendine has wrecked two state vehicles and ordered a third, even though Georgia purchasing officials warned him not to because of a budget crunch. He also has been cited by the state attorney general for misuse of the emergency lights and siren on his vehicle. (As fire marshal, the lights and siren come with the job; Oxendine gave up the emergency equipment several years ago.)

Oxendine's opponent is Democrat Guy Drexinger, an attorney and accountant who advises small businesses. He's making his first run at public office. He is bright and sincere, but whatever skills and ideas Drexinger might bring to the commissioner's office are overshadowed by his failure in 1995 to disclosure a fraudulent scheme by a legal client. With Drexinger's knowledge, the client obtained a bank loan guaranteed by the Small Business Administration while illegally concealing a side agreement for another loan. After the scheme was discovered, Drexinger's law license was temporarily suspended, he lost his real estate license and was reprimanded by the state Board of Accountancy.

To his credit, Drexinger freely acknowledges his mistakes and appears contrite about the poor choices he made. Unfortunately, that doesn't change the facts. Because the ability to trust an elected official is so important, John Oxendine is the more acceptable choice.

-- Jay Bookman (jbookman@ajc.com), David McNaughton (dmcnaughton@ajc.com) and Jim Wooten (jwooten@ajc.com), for the editorial board.

 

Agriculture Commissioner: Irvin is tops for agriculture seat

 

Published on: 10/20/06

Two strong candidates are vying for the title of agriculture commissioner, whose focus is on food safety, the promotion of Georgia agriculture and oversight of gasoline sales.

Republican Gary Black, a farmer and industry lobbyist, is trying to unseat longtime Democratic incumbent Tommy Irvin. There's little to differentiate the two on issues. The deciding factor in favor of Tommy Irvin is that Black has provided no evidence that Irvin's job performance is less than satisfactory.

-- Jay Bookman (jbookman@ajc.com), David McNaughton (dmcnaughton@ajc.com) and Jim Wooten (jwooten@ajc.com), for the editorial board.

 

Public Service Commission: Power transfer needed

 

Published on: 10/18/06

If there was ever an election year for Georgia voters to sit up and take notice of who's representing them on the state Public Service Commission, this is it. Despite the typically low-wattage nature of this contest, the PSC is expected to make some high-powered regulatory decisions that will affect us for many years to come.

For example: the five members of the regulatory panel will set the future rates that investor-owned utilities can charge customers for electricity and natural gas distribution; they'll decide whether Georgia Power Co. should be permitted to build a new generation of nuclear reactors; and they'll play a role in monitoring the type of Internet and telephone services we get.

Two PSC incumbents, Stan Wise and David Burgess, are running for re-election to respective six-year terms. Burgess, the commission's lone Democrat, represents District 3, which includes DeKalb, Fulton and Clayton counties. Wise, a Republican, represents District 5. which covers 19 counties from Cobb in the north to Muscogee in the south to Henry in the east.

Wise and Burgess are knowledgeable commission veterans, but their tenures have been disappointing. Too often, their votes have tilted in favor of the utilities they regulate, often at the expense of residential ratepayers.

For that reason, voters should replace them both with Dawn Randolph and Chuck Eaton, promising, if untested, newcomers who profess they would take a more consumer-friendly approach to the job. The commissioners serve full time and earn $109,884 a year.

Randolph, a Democrat opposing Wise, works as a legislative lobbyist on public and mental health issues. Randolph wants the PSC to establish energy efficiency standards that might obviate the need to build more power plants to satisfy the state's growing energy appetite.

"Whether or not prices [for coal and natural gas] go up or down, we still have the obligation to conserve," Randolph said. "That's just good policy."

Randolph also favors the adoption of a renewable energy portfolio that would mandate targets for alternative fuels such as solar, wind and cellulosic ethanol.

Eaton, a longtime Republican operative and Realtor, is running against Burgess in District 3. He is thoughtful, articulate and, like Randolph, seems to have an independent streak that would be an asset on the otherwise pro-utility PSC.

If elected, Eaton said, he would push for "performance-based ratemaking" that would create bottom-line incentives for utilities to be more efficient. He remains "open-minded" about Georgia Power's plans to build a pair of reactors at Plant Vogtle near Augusta, but is rightfully cautious about the cost and environmental burdens such projects impose on the public.

To their credit, Randolph and Eaton have said they would avoid engaging in "ex-parte" communications -- private conversations with lobbyists and utility executives -- that their opponents have seemed unable to resist despite the troubling ethical questions they raise. Randolph suggested they be outlawed; Eaton was far less adamant.

Granted, it will be difficult for Randolph and Eaton to overcome the built-in benefits of incumbency that their opponents enjoy in a statewide race that usually fails to generate much interest. But voters should not allow a lack of name recognition to keep them from electing two pro-consumer candidates who show the potential to usher in much-needed changes at the PSC.

-- Lyle V. Harris (lharris@ajc.com) and David McNaughton (dmcnaughton@ajc.com) for the editorial board.

 

DEKALB: A well-qualified field of candidates awaits voters

 

A well-qualified field of candidates awaits voters in DeKalb County, where the most interesting and important race may be the campaign for the normally obscure position of county solicitor general, which is responsible for prosecution of misdemeanor offenses.

In that contest, veteran prosecutor and incumbent Shawn Ellen LaGrua is the clear choice over opponent Robert James. Lagrua is a Republican in a county that Democrats dominate, but that hasn't stopped some high-profile Democrats from supporting her, including two former DeKalb district attorneys, J. Tom Morgan and Bob Wilson.

LaGrua is a dynamic administrator and attorney with a reputation for winning convictions; her colleagues around the state named her the 2006 Solicitor General of the Year in recognition of her outstanding service to victims of crime and her innovations such as her Truancy Intervention Project. She's a top-notch professional, and voters would be foolish to let her go.

In the District 2 County Commission race, Democrat Jeff Rader, a city planner who has worked with builders, businesses and the Georgia Regional Transportation Authority, provides planning and environmental expertise that will be an asset to a board charged with the ultimate decisions on rezonings and development. He is already raising important questions about negotiations between the DeKalb school system, the DeKalb Housing Authority and Sembler Co. to redevelop more than 100 acres of government-controlled property at North Druid Hills and Briarcliff roads. A project of that magnitude needs to be discussed in the sunlight so residents can judge for themselves whether it's a benefit or a boondoggle, and Rader understands that. His Republican opponent, Hubert Rambo, has not bothered to mount a campaign.

In state Senate District 40, one-term incumbent Republican Dan Weber, a mechanical engineer from Dunwoody, faces Democrat Martin McConaughy, a retired schoolteacher from Tucker. McConaughy brings intelligence and fresh ideas, including a "HOPE Returns" plan that would use HOPE scholarship recipients to tutor elementary students during summer. But Weber is also smart and articulate, and deserves one more term to prove himself. His biggest handicap is an unwillingness to buck his party even when he disagrees with its positions on education funding and other issues. His intelligence doesn't do his constituents much good if he can't find the independence to use it.

In District 41, Democratic incumbent Steve Henson is being challenged by Republican first-time candidate Frank Auman, a businessman with a finance background who opted to run to ensure north and central DeKalb voters had a choice. While impressive and smart, Auman doesn't make a real argument for replacing Henson, who is highly effective in the Senate and has shown a real commitment to environmental protection and health care reform.

The Democratic incumbent in District 42, David Adelman, is one of the few senators who actually reads legislation and flags possible conflicts and illegalities. An attorney, Adelman provides a vital voice of reason in a chamber increasingly tilted toward theatrical displays and political posturing. His presence in the Senate is not just a boon to his Emory area district, but to the entire state. His opponent, Julia Daly, is a bright, progressive, "pro-choice" Republican who ought to consider another run at political office in the future.

In District 43, an open seat, Republican Willie Hinton is running once again, hoping that someday voters in this Democratic stronghold will look past party affiliation to the actual candidate. They should.

Hinton, a retired military officer and Georgia Power executive, is sensible and grounded with a penchant for public service and a belief in the power of education. His passion for service would probably make him more responsive to constituents than Democrat Ronald Ramsey, whose commitment to this process and campaign seem halfhearted.

In House District 79, Republican Fran Millar has styled himself as a counterbalance to the ambitions and administration of controversial DeKalb CEO Vernon Jones, a posture that Dunwoody voters seem to value. But Millar, an insurance agent, is less vocal and informed on other issues that ought to concern his community. For example, his Democratic challenger, environmental engineer Keith Kaylor, faults Millar for ignoring the growing alarm bells over the state's water supply, and for voting the GOP party line too often. Those are valid criticisms that may someday lead voters to consider a change, but for now Millar remains the better choice to represent a community in flux.

In District 80, Democrat Mike Jacobs has championed the neighborhoods in his north DeKalb district in their battles against the escalating noise at Peachtree DeKalb Airport and plans by Georgia Power to inject an industrial electrical substation in a residential community. An attorney, Jacobs has also led an effort to rein in county spending and reconsider the CEO form of government. His GOP challenger, Tom Elliott, has similar stands on many issues. Given Jacobs' responsiveness to community members, he has earned their support in November.

Voters in District 81 face a quandary. Incumbent Jill Chambers has been a rare and valuable commodity, a moderate Republican. But she serves a Chamblee community that is increasingly Democratic, and this time faces a viable opponent in Democratic computer consultant Bob Roche, who is smart and informed.

That may be why a worried Chambers, a business owner, has resorted to a low-blow campaign, peppering her literature with unsubstantiated accusations. She has shown a tendency to make unsubstantiated charges in other forums as well, forfeiting her moderate reputation and perhaps her grip on this district, thus giving voters valid reasons to replace her with Roche.

Democrat Kevin Levitas narrowly lost a bid for the District 82 House seat two years ago, but luckily for voters, he is trying again. He has deep roots in the community and is well versed on the issues. A former prosecutor now running a family business, Levitas would be a strong addition to the DeKalb legislative delegation.

DeKalb voters also will decide whether to freeze residential property assessments for county tax purposes for five years. If passed, the freeze would make only a small dent in property tax bills because it does not extend to school taxes, which account for about 70 percent of the taxes that homeowners pay.

While the assessment freeze is tempting, DeKalb residents ought to vote "No," because it's unfair. Newcomers will end up paying more taxes than longtime residents on homes of the same value, and for the exact same services. A tax break for existing DeKalb County homeowners should not come by shifting a greater tax burden onto their new neighbors.

-- Maureen Downey (mdowney@ajc.com) and Jay Bookman (jbookman@ajc.com), for the editorial board

 

COBB: Except for school board, incumbents offer better choices in many races; parks plan deserves support

 

Published on: 10/24/06

The Cobb County school board, the focus of much criticism in recent years, will get at least two new members and perhaps three after the November vote.

Incumbent Laura Searcy, a Republican, chose not to run. Her seat will be filled by John Abraham, who won the GOP nomination for her seat in July and is unopposed in the general election.

A second incumbent, Republican Curt Johnston, was also a member of the board majority that steadfastly supported former Superintendent Joseph Redden on the laptop plan and other contentious issues. Johnston acknowledges the board underestimated opposition to some of its decisions over the last four years. Even though he still believes the decisions were correct, "we could have done a better job of listening," he said.

He's right, and that's why he needs to go.

Fortunately, voters in District 2, in southeast Cobb, have a good choice to replace him. Holli Cash, an activist involved in education issues at both the state and local level, will bring a parent's-eye view to a board that badly needs it. While she doesn't have Johnston's institutional knowledge of the system, she will be quick to demand that school administrators keep parents and taxpayers informed about issues and encourage them to participate, rather than leave the impression that the board isn't interested in their views.

A third incumbent, Kathie Johnstone, who was chairman of the board during its ill-fated laptops-for-students adventure, was beaten in the Republican primary by the Rev. John Crooks. Crooks now faces Beth Farokhi, a retired Georgia State University school of education administrator. Both are parents of children in the east Cobb district and both would be good additions to the board.

However, Farokhi's academic background would serve the district better. The current board allowed the central office administration under Redden too much dominance in how the school district was governed. Farohki could independently analyze staff recommendations on everything from curriculum changes (one of her specialties) to proposals for how to deal with low-performing schools.

In the sole County Commission race contested in the general election, Republican incumbent Tim Lee is facing a young businessman, Berry Dabbs, a Democrat making his first bid for public office. Lee, who has made redevelopment of the Canton Road corridor a priority in his district, has been an effective commissioner for District 3, in northeastern Cobb County. His background as a homeowners association official and his familiarity with the district's needs has served him well in his first term, and he is an obvious choice over his younger, less-connected opponent.

In the two contested Superior Court races on the ballot, the incumbents are clearly worthy of re-election. Judge James G. Bodiford has expertly handled some of the county's most high-profile criminal cases and Judge George H. Kreeger has been active locally and statewide in creating special drug courts to handle nonviolent narcotics cases.

Bodiford faces Normarene Culver Merritt; Kreeger is running against Joan R. Davis. Both women point out that the county has no minorities within the ranks of Superior Court judges. That's a valid concern, but neither candidate can match the distinguished records of the incumbents.

Three Senate districts are also being contested. In traditionally Democratic District 6, in the Smyrna-south Cobb area, voters have two good candidates. Challenger Dan Hoppe is a young Republican newcomer to the district who could bring fresh ideas to the state party. But the incumbent, moderate Democrat Doug Stoner, has represented the district well and deserves re-election. He was instrumental in improving the state's eminent domain law and has been helpful in redevelopment efforts Smyrna and elsewhere in the district.

In Senate District 32, Judson Hill, the Republican incumbent, gets the nod over his Democratic challenger, Ruthe Levy, a former Air Force officer seeking office for the first time. Levy is an excellent spokesperson for Georgia's Democratic Party, but the east Cobb district is more conservative than she is and Hill has represented it well. Hill is also chairing a legislative study committee on health care issues in Georgia that is likely to recommend a number of market-based approaches toward making health care more affordable.

Steve Thompson, a veteran Democratic legislator, is the choice in Senate District 33 over Republican Mark T. Grant, a chiropractor making his first bid for public office. Thompson is a longtime representative from the area who works well with Republicans.

In the House, first-term state Rep. Rich Golick has been an effective legislative voice for District 34, in the Smyrna area of the county. He faces a young Democrat, Neil Garvin, a private school tutor who grew up in the area. Golick is a thoughtful conservative legislator with a bright future. He deserves re-election.

In House District 37, incumbent Terry Johnson is a moderate Democrat who knows his community well and reflects its generally conservative values. He faces a rematch with Republican Cindye Coates, who has conducted two campaigns based on the usual talking points from conservative Christian groups. Johnson was the correct choice in the previous campaign and remains so.

Sharon Cooper, the Republican incumbent in House District 41, is facing the youngest candidate in the county, Zachary H. Smith, 23, a Kennesaw State political science student who will graduate in December. Cooper has much more experience on statewide issues, more local connections and is closer to the views of the east Cobb district. She should be re-elected.

In the race for House District 45, Democrats have put up a solid candidate, Darryl O. Wilson, a former Navy pilot now working for United Airlines, against incumbent Republican Matt Dollar, who has represented the east Cobb district for four years. Dollar's tenure in the House has been less than impressive. Wilson portrays himself as a moderate Democrat who, if given the chance by the Republican-dominated district, would be more effective than Dollar. Wilson is the choice.

Cobb voters also have the opportunity to approve a $40 million bond issue to purchase land for much-needed parks and do it without raising taxes much, if at all. The county could assume the additional bonded indebtedness with only an insignificant impact on property taxes.

County officials have said their plan is to use the funds almost exclusively to purchase passive park land. Given how fast the remaining open tracts of the county are developing, securing land now for use as parks for generations to come is a wise investment.

Voters should say yes to the referendum.

-- Mike King (mking@ajc.com) and Jim Wooten (jwooten@ajc.com) for the editorial board.

 

The Economy: Candidates know healthy economic development in Georgia requires a better-prepared work force

 

Published on: 10/19/06

At least three-quarters of the Georgians who applied for a job at the new Toyo tire plant in Bartow County couldn't get past the front door because of educational shortcomings or because they failed a background check. That dismal statistic is not much help in trying to sell the state as a great place to build a business and create jobs.

The only way to erase it is to persuade many more youngsters to stay in school and out of trouble. The state also needs to better educate those who graduate. Until that is accomplished, the benefits of economic development will remain out of reach of too many state residents. And attracting new employers will be tougher than it should be.

Even Republican Gov. Sonny Perdue and his Democratic challenger, Lt. Gov. Mark Taylor, can -- and do -- agree that an educated work force is the key to economic development.

"No variable matters more when a company is choosing where to locate than the availability of a motivated, well-trained and highly skilled work force," Perdue said last month in Savannah. Taylor told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution's editorial board that education is "what really brings jobs."

In that case, whoever wins the gubernatorial race in November has his work cut out to find a solution to Georgia's lackluster educational standing and to adequately fund repairs to the public school system. Granted, there's been some progress. The high school graduation rate in Georgia last year was nearly 70 percent, Perdue announced in September. That's higher than it has been but still near the bottom of the barrel among states.

In Bartow County, it's too late to help many of the 13,000 who sought work at the Toyo plant. All but 2,500 to 3,000 applicants were rejected at the start because they were not high school graduates or the equivalent, or due to the results of a background check, according to plant manager Jim Hawk.

He found the 400 workers he needed as the plant went into production in the spring, but not before he ran into the hard fact that there's a 40 percent school dropout rate in Bartow County schools. That continues to be a concern as he looks to eventually add another 600.

The answer to the dropout problem, at least in Bartow County, is part carrot and part stick. Graduation coaches have been hired to encourage potential dropouts to stay in school; high absenteeism now warrants special attention; student advisers have been added to middle schools. A dose of real-world economics is thrown in as well, according to Abbe Boring, superintendent of Bartow County Schools. Students are told that the days of dropouts finding decent work "are gone," she said, and are warned that loading up on easy courses is not the pathway to college.

Clearly that's a message Georgia needs to deliver to students, as well as parents, across the state.

Unfortunately, education is not the only issue holding back economic development in Georgia. Assuring an adequate supply of water and addressing traffic congestion in the Atlanta region are necessities. So is the need to solve health and insurance issues in rural Georgia, according to Atlanta businessman Mark Dunaway.

He envisions rural Georgia and its available land as the answer to manufacturers like himself who are looking to reduce the cost of production. But the incidence of diabetes and the proportion of rural Georgians at risk of diabetes because of obesity or diet make it difficult for an employer to provide health insurance there, he said.

Solving problems that discourage economic development will require innovative thinking and a willingness to re-examine old habits. The state's practice of offering incentives to lure business to Georgia is overdue for review. While the jobs are welcome, it's very difficult to evaluate if taxpayer-provided subsidies pay off in the long run.

It won't be any easier for taxpayers to make that judgment if Republicans in the General Assembly revive an attempt to hide the contents of incentive packages for businesses until the deals are done. To his credit, state Sen. Casey Cagle of Gainesville, the Republican candidate for lieutenant governor, has made public his opposition to needless secrecy. (His Democratic opponent, Jim Martin, also strongly advocates open government.) Unlike other GOP leaders, Cagle recognizes that everything grows better in the sunshine, including the state's economy.

-- David McNaughton, dmcnaughton@ajc.com

 

Healthcare: Neither party has a plan to cover everyone in the state

 

Published on: 10/9/06

In Georgia, Democrats and Republicans have starkly different views of the role government should play in providing health insurance.

Democrats look at the 1.7 million residents of the state who lack insurance -- many of them in working families -- and see a government failure. They want to use the considerable buying power of state government to create state-sponsored health insurance plans that will cover, at a minimum, every child in the state and make prescription drugs affordable to everyone who needs them.

Republicans also see the growing number of uninsured Georgians as a failure of government, but they view it from a much different perspective. They believe government requirements for what must be covered by health insurance plans in the state are too strict and are driving up premiums, forcing employers to drop group coverage for their workers. They want those requirements removed so insurance companies can tailor high-deductible, low-premium plans for both groups and individuals.

Neither party is offering voters the kind of major new approach to the issue other states have considered. Massachusetts, for instance, passed a measure this year requiring all residents to have health insurance, the same way most states require car insurance. That state combined the best ideas of conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats into a menu of insurance options that, when implemented, should cover everyone in the state. Unfortunately, nothing like that is being raised here.

Gov. Sonny Perdue has made using marketplace initiatives to control the cost of health care a hallmark of his first term. Over Democratic objections, Perdue and Republican legislative leaders pushed through malpractice insurance reform as a way to curb spiraling health care costs -- although there's no real measure yet whether the limits are working.

Perdue's most substantive change has been in moving most of the nearly 2 million people in the state covered by taxpayer-subsidized health plans into managed care arrangements run by for-profit companies in contract with the state. That includes state employees, as well as the more than 1.2 million low-income and disabled Georgians covered by Medicaid. It also includes the 220,000 or so children enrolled in PeachCare, the state-sponsored plan to cover children in families who make too much for Medicaid but can't afford or don't have coverage through an employer.

The governor and his health advisers expect the new system -- which assigns patients a primary care physician who must sign off on all their care -- to save the state a lot of money. (Medicaid has been the fastest-growing part of the state budget during Perdue's tenure.) They also believe it will enhance health by encouraging doctors and patients to work more closely together.

But Perdue plans to go a step beyond that. He wants a federal waiver that would, for the first time, institute co-payments and deductibles for some Medicaid beneficiaries in an effort to encourage more personal responsibility for their own health care and control costs for the state.

Last year, Perdue cut off coverage for three months for PeachCare beneficiaries when their families were a month late on paying premiums -- an effort, he said, to encourage personal responsibility. The move temporarily locked out 90,000 or more children who had been on the program without insurance. After a storm of protest, the state relented and allowed the late payers to be reinstated within 30 days after their premiums were brought up to date.

Democrats strongly disagree with those tactics. and they will likely fight any more restrictions on what is covered and how much patients have to pay out of their own pockets. They make a compelling argument that co-pays and deductibles drive low-income families away from seeking care, which leads to more sickness and ultimately higher costs.

That's why Lt. Gov. Mark Taylor is proposing allowing all of Georgia's children to participate in PeachCare. He says it would encourage preventive health care, thereby keeping costs lower. He would charge premiums based on income, but he also acknowledges that his plan will have to be subsidized by more state taxes -- something Republicans are quick to criticize about his proposal.

Yet most Georgians are already paying what amounts to an "uninsurance tax." When uninsured patients show up at hospital emergency rooms needing care, their costs have to be offset somehow -- either by local taxes to subsidize hospital operations or by higher charges to insured patients. When it comes to uninsured children, those costs could be substantially more than what it would cost the state in new taxes to pay for an expansion of PeachCare.

Health care is a perennial election issue, played out mostly at the federal level. And, what happens in Georgia pales in comparison to what needs to happen on a national level to address issues of costs, accessibility and quality.

Still, Georgia voters face two distinctively different approaches to the issue at the state level. They should choose carefully.

-- Mike King, for the editorial board (mking@ajc.com)

 

Transportation: Leaders need to strike balance, raise funds

 

Published on: 10/15/06

While driving to work, a typical Georgia commuter sees, and sometimes ignores, a variety of posted road signs: Stop. Yield. No turn on red.

But in order for the next governor to begin steering Georgia's lopsided transportation policy in the right direction, he must pay special attention to a different kind of marker: dollar signs.

As always, money, and how it's spent, will be critical in determining the future of transportation across the state and particularly in metro Atlanta. If we continue operating under the collective delusion that just expanding existing roads, or building new ones, will magically fix our problems, we're guaranteed at least four more years of worsening gridlock.

Remember, traffic congestion isn't only annoying, it's also expensive. The fast-growing Atlanta region routinely ranks in studies as one of the nation's worst metro areas for road tie-ups, a dubious distinction that costs us more than $2 billion in lost productivity and fuel every year. Relying on familiar but hopelessly outdated road maps will put further strain on our economy and quality of life.

Adopting a more balanced approach to transportation spending may improve our chances of developing the kind of long-term solutions we need to help save time, money and the environment.

Next month's elections offer a prime opportunity to start making those changes but, at the moment, the dollar signs don't look good. The 7.5-cents-excise tax that Georgia collects on each gallon of gasoline purchased and the 4 percent sales tax are among the lowest in the nation. By law, all of the excise tax and 75 percent of the sales tax must be spent on roads and bridges, with the rest of the sales tax going into the general fund. That constitutional strait-jacket -- coupled with political cowardice -- has in the past prevented the state from making any significant investments in transportation alternatives, such as commuter rail, buses, trolleys or light rail.

Those dedicated revenues also cannot be used to help pay for the operating expenses of MARTA or, for that matter, any of the increasingly popular commuter bus lines being run by local governments and the Georgia Regional Transportation Authority.

The federal funding that launched some bus systems will soon run out. Since the state has no viable plans for replacing those funds, the fate of those lines is in jeopardy. On top of that, fairly recent changes in the formulas used by the federal government to select which states get money to help pay for congestion-relieving initiatives has made competition for those already limited startup funds much more intense.

While money is important, it's not the only factor that will shape Georgia's transportation outlook. The next governor's leadership on these issues, or the lack of it, will matter just as much. In principle, the governor defers most policy-making to the Georgia Department of Transportation or regional planning agencies. In practice, however, those agencies and their respective boards rarely, if ever, defy the governor's transportation mandates.

That's why Georgia's next governor must work diligently to break the vise-like grip the road-building lobby continues to exert over the DOT. (Getting the DOT to finally stop dithering on the long-delayed commuter rail service connecting Atlanta to Lovejoy and, eventually, to Athens would be a good start.)

Another true test of gubernatorial leadership will entail mustering the requisite courage to speak frankly about the need to identify some new sources of transportation funding. While it seems politically unpalatable, the next governor must use his bully pulpit to advocate for raising the gas tax or rallying public support for regional taxes that can be used for roads, transit and other commuting options.

Georgia voters are urged to elect a governor with a keen understanding of the financial challenges we face and the backbone to show leadership on transportation issues. The choice we make will dictate whether we chart a better course or continue following the signs leading to more dead ends.

-- Lyle V. Harris, for the editorial board (lharris@ajc.com)

 

Education: Schools require action, not talk

 

Published on: 10/22/06

Every governor in the country has a stock speech declaring that education represents the key to the state's future, that nothing is as crucial as keeping kids in school and that, as governor, he or she will raise expectations, scores and the bar.

But not taxes. Most governors also have another stock speech in which they pledge that they will never ever raise taxes.

Sonny Perdue is one such governor. Over his first three years in office, Perdue cut the state share of classroom instruction by more than a billion dollars, while at the same time slashing state income tax on corporations by $100 million a year. An ambitious plan to reduce class sizes -- begun under his predecessor, Roy Barnes -- was shelved until recently.

In his defense, Perdue was saddled with an initial budget shortfall of more than $600 million because of the national economic downturn, and was forced to make some hard decisions. But in Georgia, why are those decisions so often made at the expense of education?

That's the question that Georgians concerned with public schools ought to ask as they consider whom to support for governor, Perdue or his Democratic challenger, Mark Taylor.

So far, neither has displayed the dynamic vision of former North Carolina Gov. Jim Hunt, whose single-minded commitment to reform turned his state into a national success story. According to the Rand Corp., North Carolina public schools improved test scores more than any other state during Hunt's second tenure, in the 1990s.

Hunt transformed North Carolina schools because he stood firm on standards, achievement and accountability, and because he convinced North Carolinians that education had to be the state's No. 1 priority. As a result, schools were shielded from significant budget cuts even when Hunt's successor, Mike Easley, grappled with the same economic slump that Perdue faced three years ago.

North Carolina focused on students. In much of their campaigns, Perdue and Taylor have made teachers their focus. Both have courted teacher groups, aware of their power to influence their members at the polls. Neither talks much about the critical component of student achievement, which is quality teaching.

It's hard to elicit more than cliches and broad generalizations from either camp. Taylor talks a lot about protecting the HOPE scholarship, but it's not clear from whom. Given the middle-class veneration of the generous scholarship program, most Georgia politicians would rather declare war on Alabama than attack HOPE.

But while HOPE may be off-limits for political meddling, schools are not. Confronted last year with a potential diesel fuel shortage due to a brewing hurricane, Perdue decided late on a Friday to shut down public schools the following Monday and Tuesday.

No other state followed suit, stranding Georgia as the place where energy conservation involved closing schools so that thousands of families could drive their SUVs to malls, movie theaters and McDonald's. Later, it was discovered that Perdue followed the advice of lobbyists for the petroleum industry and convenience stores, suggesting that Big Oil and Big Gulps influence education policy in Georgia.

With state revenues rebounding and an election approaching, Perdue put a billion dollars more into education this year and resumed class-size reductions, giving him bragging rights in his TV ads to say: "For too long, no one did enough to improve education in Georgia ... until Sonny did."

Perdue also approved across-the-board 4 percent raises for teachers, which delighted teachers but did nothing to enhance student achievement. Universal raises don't reward the outstanding teachers or penalize the middling ones. Taylor also supports across-the-board raises, but is willing to explore a career ladder and merit plan in which salary would rise with experience and results, says campaign spokesman Rick Dent.

Perdue and Taylor hav